It is important to look at these intentions and Hitler’s world view when we consider how Germany under Hitler affected the situation in England, following the Great War.
The first thing that emerges from the opening chapters of Mein Kampf clearly shows that Hitler believed that democracy had failed and that the failure was due to the influence of the Jews, similar to the Fascist movements across the world. He believed in the inferiority of the other nations around Germany and of the need to rescue the true Germans from these countries. This became a focus for Hitler and was to be first realised in his intentions towards Austria:
‘Because my heart was always with the German Empire and not with the Austrian Monarchy, the hour of Austria’s dissolution as a State appeared to me only as the first step towards the emancipation of the German nation.’
It was clear that Hitler was never going to be content within the then current boundaries of Germany. For him, the rise of a Third Reich was the only solution. A Third Reich that would not make the mistakes of the past, but would impose an iron fist on its enemies.
Furthermore Hitler had become convinced that Darwinian Theory, which argued that in natural evolution the weakest of the animal species, would eventually die out and the stronger of the species would survive and develop, should be forcibly applied to humans. This would have been anathema to Darwin. Combining this with the theory of Eugenics, which believed in the creation of a unique pure man, a Master Race, he adopted a worldview that was seen in his intolerance of any human being he would see as weak or feeble, such people would not be tolerated:
‘For as soon as the procreative faculty is thwarted and the number of births diminished, the natural struggle for existence which allows only healthy and strong individuals to survive is replaced by a sheer craze to “save” feeble and even diseased creatures at any cost. And thus the seeds are sown for a human progeny which will become more and more miserable from one generation to another, as long as Nature’s will is scorned.’
This view would be implemented by Hitler in the euthanasia programme against the mentally and physically handicapped that he believed should not be ‘saved’.
Hitler did not disguise his intention that Germany would become violently aggressive. In his view the only nations that would survive would have to be by nature ‘brutal’:
‘A time will come, even though in the distant future, when there can be only two alternatives: Either the world will be ruled according to our modern concept of democracy, and then every decision will be in favour of the numerically stronger races: or the world will be governed by the law of natural distribution of power, and then those nations will be victorious who are of more brutal will and are not the nations who have practised self-denial.’
Hitler was also clear about the policy of Lebensraum (living space). This was the expansion into neighbouring countries to facilitate the feeding and settlement of an increasing German population. The then current government had chosen a policy of commercial trade as the means of providing for its citizens. Hitler did not agree:
‘Therefore the problem was: A policy of territorial expansion or a colonial and commercial policy. Both policies were taken into consideration, examined, recommended and rejected, from various standpoints, with the result that the second alternative was finally adopted. The sounder alternative, however, was undoubtedly the first.’
He went on to make clear that if the countries being taken over did not accept Germany’s expansion into their lands, they would not be asked twice:
‘And when attempts to settle the difficulty in an amicable way are rejected the clenched hand must take by force that which was refused to the open hand of friendship.’
Behind everything that Hitler thought was a disadvantage to Germany, he saw the problem as a Jewish-Marxist conspiracy. This was very true about those in Germany who may not have been fully supportive of a German victory in the Great War. Hitler would have preferred his government to ‘exterminate this vermin’ and when he became the government that is exactly what he did. The ‘doctrine’ of Jewish-Marxism that he railed against had to be defeated and his answers in Mein Kampf foreshadowed the systematic genocide that he undertook:
‘When sheer force is used to combat the spread of a doctrine, then that force must be employed systematically and persistently.’
In Mein Kampf he indeed was specific as to his prime motive:
‘For a fight it will have to be, since the first objective will not be to build up the idea of the People’s State [Germany] but rather to wipe out the Jewish State [Jews wherever they exist] which is now in existence.’
Hitler’s ambitions were made clear and he betrayed his megalomania further by believing that if he had been in charge during the Great War ‘the outcome of the struggle might have been different’. He saw himself as a great thinker and mastermind of a race of perfect human beings. He advocated a policy of state control of some of the most basic intimate aspects of life, including sexual relations and reproduction. Anyone deemed to be ‘defective’ would not be allowed to produce children:
‘The demand that it should be made impossible for defective people to continue to propagate defective offspring is a demand that is based on most reasonable grounds, and its proper fulfilment is the most humane task that mankind has to face.’
This foreshadowed his programme of ‘Aryanisation’ that he would introduce to try and create his master race. In Mein Kampf he outlined his notions of how he would achieve such a race. It would involve the separation of the races, as he saw it:
‘... whenever Aryans have mingled their blood with that of an inferior race the result has been the downfall of the people who were the standard-bearers of a higher culture.’
From this warped thinking came Gesetze zum Schutz des Deutschen Blutes und der Deutschen Ehre. (the Nuremberg Laws for the Protection of German Blood and German Honour). At the root of this law was anti-Semitism. The belief that there was not one human race but a superior race (Aryans) and the inferior races, the chief of which, in Hitler’s view, were the Jews. Hitler, like many anti-Semites, clung to the libels of the Protocols, despite their long proven forgery status, and in Mein Kampf uses them to help justify his views. His warped obsession with the master race led him to believe that any state (country) that did not support the existence and survival of the master race did not deserve to exist:
‘Those States which do not serve this purpose have no justification for their existence.’
This pointed clearly to the real agenda for the future which would see Germany, under Hitler, try to achieve world domination. By 1941, there was a growing concern in the House of Commons as to the British Empire being under threat from Hitler. Churchill himself spoke in the House on May 7 1941:
‘It must be remembered, however, that Napoleon’s armies carried with them the fierce, liberating and equalitarian winds of the French Revolution, whereas Hitler’s Empire has nothing behind it but racial self-assertion, espionage, pillage, corruption and the Prussian boot. Yet Napoleon’s Empire, with all its faults, and all its glories, fell and flashed away like snow at Easter till nothing remained but His Majesty’s ship “Bellerophon,” which awaited its suppliant refugee. So I derive confidence that the will-power of the British nation, expressing itself through a stern, steadfast, unyielding House of Commons, once again will perform its liberating function and humbly exercise and execute a high purpose among men, and I say this with the more confidence because we are no longer a small Island lost in the Northern mists, but around us gather in proud array all the free nations of the British Empire.’
Hitler also addressed the issue of the Treaty of Versailles and was again clear:
‘For these reasons also the National Socialist Movement has to take up a stand against such tendencies [Those who accepted the Treaty in Germany].’
Whilst a complete critique of Mein Kampf cannot be undertaken here, there is sufficient detail for the reader to understand that those who were pro-German in
Britain should have had a clear understanding of where Hitler stood. However, it is notable that in Guy Liddell’s diary the Security Service regretted not paying more attention to Mein Kampf
In Mein Kampf, Hitler told us exactly what he was going to do, and did it. Nobody paid much attention until the war started.
In his rabble-rousing speeches, Hitler had whipped up passionate feelings against the perceived injustices of the Treaty. He took hold of the German people’s feeling and gave them a focus for their anger. It was a Jewish – Communist plot that had ruined Germany, he argued, and through his persuasive oratory, he led the nation to embrace National Socialism. It is often forgotten that Hitler’s rise to power was through the democratic process, no matter how we interpret that, in Germany at the time. The author remembers during a visit to Germany, seeing a poster from the 1930’s elections where the Nazis had stunning success. The poster has the image of Hitler alongside the legend,‘Unsere größte Hoffnung' - ‘Our Greatest Hope’. For 36.8 per cent of the German electorate in 1932 this was true. On the morning of 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler was sworn in as Chancellor by Hindenburg, the elected President of Germany. Writing shortly after that, William Arnold-Forster, who was sympathetic to this new Germany, had one major reservation and had warned, in his book on Germany’s concen-tration camps, against the atrocities of the regime. Indeed a review of the literature and articles in the main British newspapers, The Times and The Observer, in particular, show that a number of men with integrity and who were well meaning, argued for an accommodation with Hitler, as the least of the evils of that time. All of them echoed Arnold-Forster’s call for Germany to abandon the persecution of ‘Christians, Jews and liberal pacifists’ and for all visitors to Germany to make that clear to the Nazi leaders.
Furthermore, Hitler and his Government had been hard at work to create relationships with Britain through their foreign office and the offices of Joachim von Ribbentrop, Adolf Hitler’s adviser on Foreign Affairs from 1938 onwards (He was later convicted as a war criminal at the Nuremberg Trials and sentenced to death). Attempts were made to get the Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald to visit Hitler in Germany. However he was not keen and avoided the invitation. Ribbentrop also promoted trips by leading citizens and journalists to Germany. They often returned as the best propagandists for the Nazi regime. This even spread to school exchange visits where children would be given a rosy view of how National Socialism saved Germany and how Adolf Hitler was a great man who as a child defended children against bullies at his school. This was brought into life by a text book published for schools, ‘Adolf Hitler – Der Führer des deutschen Reiches. - A short account of his life and works’ co-authored by a German master, H E Lewington at the John Ruskin School, Croydon.
Part of this activity to bring German propaganda to Britain was the invitation to the Nuremberg rallies by Ribbentrop of many leading military and establishment figures. A further very successful strategy was to involve ex-servicemen in his propaganda plans. He organised exchange visits between ex-servicemen of Germany and Britain. For the initial visit his agent in England even persuaded the Prince of Wales to endorse and announce it at a British Legion rally. The King would later rebuke the Prince for this, although he never regretted it. Ribbentrop, Hess and Goering would speak to the ex-service men in Germany and paint a picture of noble enemies who had once fought but who both were now enemies of the Russian Bolsheviks. As they were both enemies of Russia that meant they were now friends. On visits to Germany the ex-servicemen were lavished with hospitality and came back with great impressions of Germany and Hitler. At least at a leadership level this was true but many of the ordinary ex-servicemen were not so convinced. Yet it did add to the overall favourable view of Germany and encouraged the establishment of Anglo/German links such as The Anglo German Fellowship (AGF) and its counterpart in Germany, the ‘Deutsch Englische Gelleschaft'. Ribbentrop also courted the airmen of Britain who had fought so well in the First World War. He exploited the genuine respect and honour both sides had for one another. Men like Lord Mottistone, a great friend of Ribbentrop, who was a strong apologist for Germany and Lord Sempill who would later join Admiral Domvile in a pro-Nazi organisation. Then there was the Secretary of State for Britain’s air force, Lord Londonderry, who visited Germany to meet Ribbentrop, Goering and Hitler. He returned and became an extremely sympathetic supporter of the Nazi regime. His sympathies for the Nazi government earned him the nickname, ‘Londonderry Herr’. However this seemed to waver after Germany invaded Prague. He would become active in Anglo German friendship groups. Another prominent figure was T P Conwell-Evans who started out as supporters of Hitler’s rise and establishment of a Nazi state. Conwell-Evans was active in promoting Germany in Britain. Later he would become cooler in his support for the regime. He too would become associated with Admiral Domvile. Conwell-Evans accompanied Lloyd George who eventually went to meet Hitler at the Berghof, his alpine retreat. The meeting included Joachim von Ribbentrop and his wife Annelies, Megan Lloyd George, Gwilym Lloyd George, Thomas Jones, Lord Dawson of Penn, General Baron Geyr von Schneppenburg (Military Attaché in London), Otto Meissner (Head of the Presidential Chancellery), Dr Schmidt (as interpreter) and A J Sylvester who recorded the event on film. After this Lloyd George increasingly became an admirer of Hitler:
‘I have now seen the famous German leader and also something of the great change he has effected. Whatever one may think of his methods -and they are certainly not those of a Parliamentary country - there can be no doubt that he has achieved a marvellous transformation in the spirit of the people, in their attitude towards each other, and in their social and economic outlook. One man has accomplished this miracle. He is a born leader of men. A magnetic dynamic personality with a single-minded purpose, a resolute will, and a dauntless heart.’
Lloyd George later opposed any appeasement of Hitler. However, this might have been more to do with his dislike of Neville Chamberlain because after the Battle of Britain Lloyd George wanted a negotiated peace with Germany.
The German charm offensive with people like Lloyd George continued, even though the signs of Nazi intolerance and ill-treatment of Jews was well known. Furthermore, evidence of a breach of the Versailles Treaty in building up his military was overlooked and Hitler and Ribbentrop were quite successful in developing a pro-German sympathy within Britain. This allowed Hitler to progress his plans and he would eventually declare the Treaty null and void and demanded the right to take back ‘their’ territory that had been given away by the allies.
Hitler’s first step towards this was his re-occupation of the Rhineland on 7 March 1936. This was pivotal for increased pro-German support in Britain and displayed a brilliant strategic move by Germany to this end. In 1935 France had agreed a pact with Russia. This Franco/Russian pact caused alarm in Britain, with Communists being the great bogeymen. Britain had an agreement with France that she would come to France’s aid if she were attacked. However, it was clear that politicians and the people of Britain did not want that to go any further. The pact with Russia increased anti-French feeling. This was exacerbated by France’s support for Italy in Abyssinia when Italy invaded that country on 3 October 1935. Britain opposed Italy as the aggressor. The French support was in the hope that Italy would aid France against any German aggression. Further complication in the relationships Britain was trying to maintain, with France, Italy and Germany came in December 1935 with the Hoare/Laval pact. This would have given Italy a large proportion of Abyssinia as an Italian colony. Uproar in Britain from both right and left as well as from France caused it to be abandoned.
Ribbentrop was busy in the background in Britain, with a flow of very well placed people flocking to meet him in London. He was whispering in their ears that France was courting communism and Britain should be aware. The Franco/Russian pact was officially signed and ratified in February 1936 and Hitler used this as the excuse for the March occupation of the Rhineland. In Britain the growing anti-French feeling combine
d with a widespread view that Germany was only moving into her own territory, denied to her by the Versailles Treaty, which by now was in ruins anyway and was thought unfair by many. Further feelings against France increased as elections there in April and May 1936 brought the Popular Front to power. 5,628,321 people had voted for Communists, Radicals and Socialists. The great fear of Communism was again raised in Britain. Ribbentrop was continuing to stoke up this concern and tried to drive a wedge between Britain and France.
Hitler was doing his part to create division by calling for friendship between France and Germany, inviting France to walk into his trap, which they did. Their insistence that Germany should join the League of Nations was a matter they thought Germany would never do. Hitler then made his peace proposals towards France, which indeed included a willingness to join the League. France’s belligerent response succeeded in bringing a substantial number in Britain to become pro-German. Admiral Domvile was one of those people. Combined with this there was a deliberate ‘quieting’ of extreme activity in Germany as they prepared for the Olympics to be held in Berlin. The Fascists groups were jubilant and encouraged pro-German feelings. The BUF’s paper, Action was now publishing article after article proclaiming Germany as the country of peace. Pro-Nazism was now promoted by Mosley.
Ribbentrop was still busy trying to woo Britain. He worked assiduously for a meeting between Hitler and Prime Minister Baldwin. He had very little success as both Baldwin and Anthony Eden the Foreign Secretary were con-cerned about Germany’s true intentions and their own concerns for France. However a good number of Lords and Ladies went to the Olympics in Berlin as Hitler’s personal guests and all returned to Britain more enamoured than ever by Hitler’s charm and Ribbentrop’s manipulations. How far Hitler had fooled Lloyd George is seen in a statement Lloyd George made in the Daily Express in Sept 1936, ‘The German’s have definitely made up their minds never to quarrel with us again’.
Hitler's Munich Man Page 3