I passed through these quiet rooms, past red and gold walls, thrones standing unoccupied, a royal bedroom with the bed sealed off by a golden fence, with a chandelier glinting in the centre, and a craven overload of gilt everywhere on the walls, around the mirrors, around the portraits, splashed across the ceiling. I passed into what had once been the royal apartments of Ludwig I and his queen. There were paintings on the walls of mythical creatures, sphinxes and griffins, and then monarchical battle paraphernalia. History and power, the message was clear from the faded walls of the royal apartments. The command of symbols and former myths. Ludwig I’s throne room had been neatly restored, with red curtains suspended around the throne and the ceiling patterned in Greek motifs. The parquet floor was polished. The walls were coated with classical columns and stucco reliefs, showing figures from Homer and Hesiod and Pindaric athletes in competitions.
Ludwig I had established a collection of classical statues in Königsplatz, called the Glyptothek, one of the buildings Hitler took for his backdrop. I was thinking of the Glyptothek as I walked out of the Residenz, passing through a gallery of portraits of the royal house. The Glyptothek is crammed full of Greek and Roman sculptures, originals and copies. I had been there on an earlier trip to Munich, spending an afternoon in the rooms. Everything in the Glyptothek has been mutilated by the passage of time; the statues stand, compelling despite their cracks and broken limbs and the sense of creeping decay hanging over them. There’s an almost complete statue of a sleeping faun from the third century B.C., with huge thighs and calves and a hand slung behind its head. One foot has gone, one arm has vanished, but the legs are perfect, delicately fashioned. There’s a room filled with statues of headless women—an Aphrodite, an Athena, the folds of their robes still immaculate. In a room surrounded by heads and trunks there’s a statue of the dead son of Niobe, from roughly the time Pytheas sailed. The figure lies on its back, footless and handless, frozen in a backwards arch of death.
They were the remnants, fragmented forms of an ancient version of beauty. I was thinking about these fragments as I walked back from the Residenz to my hotel. Shattered parts of the past, somehow preserved, even in this city where everything burned. In the Glyptothek there are the remains of a temple to Athena: the broken stones of a pediment, put back together again. Athena stands in the centre, determining the fate of men, surrounded by headless warriors, warriors sadly deprived of limbs, made up from bits and pieces, some of them nothing but a couple of shins and feet. It is a stark piece of symbolism: these warriors, represented by a few salvaged parts, reduced from portraits of physical perfection to synecdoche. The temple has been tacked together, left in a foreign museum, far from its original site.
In the kitsch inn by the marketplace, the bar was dark and empty when I arrived back. The cluttered bedroom seemed small and hot. I pushed the embroidered covers off the bed, and stood looking out of the window at the quiet streets. Bells chimed from the church towers. The stalls were packed up for the night, their flowers and fruit under plastic sheeting. I sat up in the hotel room. I was searching around on the Net, surfing through all the contemporary madness about Thule, madness of a Sebottendorff strain. There was a horde of contemporary racist societies lurking on the Internet, peddling a poisoned version of Thule. Typing in “Thule Society” released a wild array of lunatics in love with the past, the Nazi Age, as they saw it. A Thule Net had been set up, to foster cyber clusters of the rabid, struggling with the basics. The Thule Gesselschaft, they frothed on their sites, spelling everything wrong, was founded under the initiative of Baron Rudolf von Sebottendorf. The Thule Gessellschaft, they added, in the same article, beginning to grow more confused, was created by von Sebbotendorf in 1908 one site said, or 1910, said another, or 1919, said a further. The GREAT, the INVINCIBLE Von Sebetondof, they wrote—Sebettenduff was their hero, though they just couldn’t quite remember his name—and in the name of the Thule Gessleschaft, they wrote, Sebetendorf bought the newspaper the Vulkishcer Beabagger. Thuel Gessollshlock was the mother of Nazism, they concluded, with learned authority. Then, casting aside even a failing attempt at the facts, they would lurch into the violence of desperate fantasy. Hitler could not be dead, they said, wiping their tears away; it was impossible. So, they imagined, at the end of the war, Hitler had escaped in an aeroplane to Thule, a place, they generally seemed to think, a few miles away from the North Pole. On this frozen island, Hitler had been living for fifty years, having evidently become immortal at some stage in his escape-flight, a gatecrasher, an intruder in the classical dreamland. Deprived of the audience he lived off—they seemed to have made a living hell for their hero, without intending it. In their legend, he became a lonely madman on an island, like the hermits the Irish clerics found in the far northern ocean. A tyrant standing on a rock, commanding the clouds.
There were other sites with a pseudo-mystical bent, where the self-appointed clerics of the vapid Thule cult castigated the ‘ennemis de Thule,’ as one Frenchman wrote, in his chaotic study of Thule, the enemies of Thule who had replaced ‘ancient rituals’ with a ‘foreign rite,’ he added. The French were the original Aryans, he claimed, and his was a masochistic Aryan-lust, because the Saga obsessives would hardly have hailed him as a Viking hero. There was a picture of him on his site: a small Mediterranean man with a shock of black hair and a black moustache. Hitler and his brown-haired friends would have cast him out, this Frenchman muttering about the eternal religion of Thule, misunderstanding ancient ambiguities.
For the Internet ranters, as for Sebottendorff in 1918, there was an innate correlation between Germanic and Norse mythology, Thule itself and Nazi history. These sites were full of runes and semi-pornographic pictures of Viking maidens and muscular Viking men. I was thinking of a man like William Morris, fascinated by the Vikings because he thought they had created an early form of democracy. He had romanticized them, ignoring the Viking tendency to brutish violence, dwelling instead on their simple villages and intricate rule of law. He had thought the Icelandic Vikings were escaping from a tyrant into a community they created themselves. In the early twentieth century these strains of Germanic history were entwined with nationalist independence movements in Scandinavian countries, in Norway and Iceland. In interwar Germany, they were corrupted into the ‘Aryan’ obsession of the Nazis. The Thule Society sites on the Internet plastered borrowed images across their Thule Society pages, claiming them as a historical justification for their hatred. For extremists, these associations still remained. They still thought Thule was a code word for their ‘Aryan’ cult.
There were tenuous dreams which survived centuries: the classical dream of a land at the ends of the world, the romantic dream of the perfect landscape, a pure land, unchanged from Saga times. These dreams fascinated the German extremists, the Saga worshippers on Aryan tours, and they entwined the northern lands with their myth of the pure Germanic race. The Thule Society was disbanded, but the obsession with an ‘Aryan’ Empire created a cult—the SS. Heinrich Himmler, the leader of the SS, believed that German blood, or Nordic blood, was the ‘best blood on earth.’ The SS, he explained in a decree, was ‘an association of German men of Nordic determination selected on special criteria.’ His goal was ‘the hereditarily sound, valuable extended family of the German, Nordically determined type.’ He was certain that in hundreds of thousands of years this Nordic blood would still be the best. After 1932, all SS marriages had to be approved by Himmler and his men, and were only permitted if prospective brides conformed to SS ideas about ‘race and hereditary health.’ The SS had its own variety of inclusiveness: Himmler threw its doors open to suitable blonds of any ‘Germanic’ nation. Himmler took ‘Aryan’ recruits to the SS from Yugoslavia, Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway. Himmler wanted to ‘reclaim’ Germanic foreigners from other countries.
In 1935, Himmler founded the ‘Lebensborn’ programme—Lebensborn meaning the “Fount of Life.” Germany had committed itself under the Nazis to a programme of steriliz
ation, by which those regarded by the Nazis as unsuitable—the mentally ill, the physically ‘impaired,’ the mendicant—would be prevented from having children. There were also the people who were being killed, imprisoned or forced to leave the nation—Jews, dissidents, homosexuals and Gypsies. Into the gap left by these deaths and disappearances Himmler planned to add more ‘Aryan’ babies. Not wanting to waste any ‘Aryans,’ Himmler aimed to reduce abortions among racially ‘suitable’ but unmarried women, by creating maternal care homes. The Lebensborn homes were open to women pregnant by SS officers or police officers, once all the racial checks had been made. Homes were established where suitable mothers would give birth to their suitable babies; one opened in 1936 at Steinhöring, near Munich. These children were then either adopted by childless SS families, or, if the father had been enticed back to the mother, went home with their parents. SS wives weren’t averse to the Lebensborn homes, and sometimes used them for their own births. Himmler liked to involve himself in basic details of care in the homes, spending long hours considering the best sorts of foods for his mothers, wondering whether porridge would make their children more like Nordic gods. The Lebensborn programme would, Himmler hoped, further strengthen the Germanic race.
Though the Nazis had gone on ‘Aryan’ tours in Iceland during the 1930s, they never invaded the country. British troops arrived first, surging across the sea to Iceland in May 1940. But Norway was occupied by German soldiers from the summer of 1940, and regarded by the Nazis as a suitably ‘Aryan’ land, packed with people of useful ‘stock.’ The Norwegians were encouraged to collaborate; the Nazis were inclined to favour them, so long as they joined SS Norway, launched shortly after the Germans began their occupation, or supported the Germans. When the Germans occupied Norway the Lebensborn programme was supplied with a Norwegian branch. During the occupation, thousands of children of mixed parentage were born—their fathers German soldiers, their mothers Norwegian locals. During the war they were the prized ‘Aryan’ progeny of the Third Reich, but after the war they were regarded as guilty remnants of the past in Norway, blamed and ignored.
In 1940, in Norway, the strains collided. The dream of a land called Thule had compelled Nansen. He had disappeared into the ice talking about Thule, and he had talked about the far north as Ginnungagap, the abyss at the end of the world in Norse legend. He had imagined the North Pole as a giant from a Viking Saga, wrapped in his white shroud, stretching his clammy ice-limbs abroad, dreaming his age-long dreams. He saw his own Arctic explorations as a process of filling in the blanks on the ancestral maps, charting the worlds that the Vikings had imagined—the abyss at the world’s end, Niflheim, Helheim, Trollebotn. Then, years after his polar travels, Nansen drew a direct link between his nation and the land of Thule. He published an immense Arctic history in 1911, entitled In Northern Mists, which ranged from the earliest incursions into the ice, from Pytheas and the Vikings, to the sixteenth century when fleets of British merchant ships sailed towards the White Sea. He was fascinated by the north, by all the ideas encapsulated in the word Thule. In his book, Nansen advanced his own theory of Thule. He thought Thule had been Norway, resolving the ancient controversy in favour of his own nation. He called his country Thule because he felt it was a beautiful land, its fjords and mountains supplying inspiration to the inhabitants, though they were poor.
It resolved more than a classical mystery for Nansen. 1911 was the year that Roald Amundsen reached the South Pole, and Nansen had given Amundsen Fram to sail in, an act of generosity rich in symbolism. Nansen turned away from active exploration, and rolled up all his calculations of the breadth and distance of the ice around the North Pole, his studies of the salinity of the seas, all the scientific experiments he had conducted in the hope that they might bring him a mile or so closer to the Pole. He had originally said he would sail beyond Thule, into the unknown ice around the Pole. But he came home from the ice, and changed his mind. He decided in the end that Thule was Norway, and he found that Thule wasn’t such a bad place to stay. The Tweedies and Trollopes had hoped Thule would be a strange place. But for Nansen, Thule was the longed-for vistas of home, the beauties of his own land.
The ambiguities of the story had compelled him, its combined challenge and warning. Nansen had oscillated wildly, between realism and wild fantasy, between pragmatism and idealism. His interests were never stable; he had tried a variety of disciplines; his talents were wide-ranging. After being an explorer he became a diplomat, then an international statesman. As he accepted he would never reach the North Pole, he turned to memories of earlier travel. He had sailed along the western fjords of Norway in the summer of 1893, on Fram, moving out towards the Pole. He decided these western fjords must have been Thule. When Nansen called Norway Thule, he was a famous man, a recognizable national hero. Anything Nansen said about Norway was of great importance to his country, and six years after Norway had become fully independent, Norwegian history was an emotive subject. Nansen had been a diplomat for his nation; he had even been offered the title of King after independence. Nansen’s Thule was a patriot’s gift to his nation, an attractive piece of symbolism, claiming Norway as the ancient northerly land, the mystery idyll in the far north.
Nansen himself was part of the northern history that the Nazis fixed upon. They wanted to turn Nansen into an ‘Aryan’ hero; Hitler named him as an early inspiration. They offered him the title Übermensch, but Nansen refused it. He remained aloof, a monumental individualist, refusing to fall. He died before the worst began, succumbing to a heart attack in 1930. But his life was touched by the forces that gripped Norway in 1940: Nansen’s assistant in Russia was a man called Vidkun Quisling, a young Norwegian who seemed innocuous enough in the 1920s but who degenerated through the 1930s, selling himself to the Nazis when they invaded his country and leading the collaborationist regime. Quisling took the patriot’s repertoire—Nordic history, exploration, Vikings and Thule—and used it as the Nazis did, to argue for the supremacy of the Nordic race. Ten years after Nansen’s death, Norway was under the control of Nazi forces, its inhabitants struggling under occupation. German boats occupied the northern ports of Norway, intercepting convoys from Russia to the USA. They polluted Nansen’s Thule, his pure landscape, the mountains he loved, with war and violence.
PURITY
IN THAT UNDEFILED BRIGHT THULE,
THULE OF ETERNAL GAIN
THERE WHERE THE SOUL SEES NEWLY
FROM THE ISLES OF INATULA
TO THE GOLDEN BOWERED BEULA. . . .
IN THAT UNDEFILED BRIGHT THULE
“THRENODY. COMPOSED ON THE DEATH OF MY LITTLE BOY,” THOMAS HOLLEY CHIVERS (1809-1858)
The rain is soaking the bow of the ship and lashing the sides of the fjord. The rocks stand ancient and immeasurable on either side, plunging into the water, their granite faces reflected in the clear waters. I have been standing on the deck for hours now, looking out across the ocean. As light fades, the rain subsides, and the wind strengthens. It forces the water into irregular shapes: curves and taut lines, deep rifts. As the semi-dusk falls, the shapes begin to resemble faces—a sea of faces, grimacing and smiling in the twilight, twitching as the wind blisters the water.
The ship is an old coastal steamer, the fjords are the pride of Norway: the western fjords, stuff of a thousand holiday tours, a thousand tourist brochures. ‘The most beautiful journey in the world,’ the posters announce, ‘the journey of a lifetime.’ The sun is sinking slowly beneath the horizon. The ship moves sluggishly past the vast, high rocks, ploughing a furrow through the shape-shifting ocean. The deck is quiet; the waters are empty, the only motion the occasional blink from a lighthouse, orange flashes against the deep blue of the dusk sky.
The wind is wheezing through the gullies and fissures of the rocks; rustling through the leaves of the light birch trees, darting over the fine satin trails of slender waterfalls, tumbling from unseen heights. We are in a vibrant world of rock and trees, dulled to monochrome for the night: layer upo
n layer of tumbling mountains and dense green foliage, with crag mountains in the distance and thin rock spits sliding out into the fjord towards the boat. Across the water, there are the faint shadows of small houses, scattered at the base of the immense rock walls. They lie on stubby beaches, where the rocks soften into a horizontal plain, before being swallowed by the sea.
The night is cold. Everyone is below deck, except a lean old Norwegian sailor, in blue overalls, sitting further along the deck. He stares at the water, coughing and rolling a cigarette. He sits out here whenever he can, he says, in dusk shadow or bright sunlight, his hands curled around his cigarette papers, his eyes fixed on the rocks. Earlier, I thrust a map into his hands: ‘Unnskyld, hvor er vi?’ Where are we? Pointing at the map, he coughed: ‘Vi er her.’ We are here. We are in the continuously shifting ‘here’ of the voyage north. We are on the way to Thule, as Nansen saw it, as the Nazis colonized and burned it, as the contemporary tours slide past it on slow-moving ships. In Norway the twentieth century unfurls a series of layers. Nansen’s sense of his country as a beautiful land. The Nazi fantasy about a pure Aryan race, and the northern lands they thought had formed it. The war and its destruction of the quiet towns along the coast. Then there’s the vastness of the mountains, the contours of the fjords as holiday consolation for contemporary travellers.
The Ice Museum Page 16