by Edmund Burke
IX. That, in the aforesaid violent and arbitrary position, the said Warren Hastings did avow it to be a public principle of his government, that no right, however manifest, and no innocence, however unimpeached, could entitle the weak to our protection against others, or save them from our own active endeavors for their oppression, and even extirpation, should they interfere with our notions of political expediency; and that such a principle is highly derogatory to the justice and honor of the English name, and fundamentally injurious to our interests, inasmuch as it hath an immediate tendency to excite distrust, jealousy, fear, and hatred against us among all the subordinate potentates of Hindostan.
X. That, in prosecution of the said despotic principle, the President, Warren Hastings aforesaid, did persist to obstruct, as far as in him lay, every advance towards an accommodation between the Vizier Sujah ul Dowlah and the Nabob Fyzoola Khân; and particularly on the 16th of September, only eight days after the said Hastings, in, conjunction with the other members of the Select Committee of Bengal, had publicly testified his satisfaction in the prospect of an accommodation, and had hoped that “his Excellency [the Vizier] would be disposed to conciliate the affections [of the Rohillas] to his government by acceding to lenient terms,” he, the said Hastings, did nevertheless write, and without the consent or knowledge of his colleagues did privately dispatch, a certain answer to a letter of the commander-in-chief, in which answer the said Hastings did express other contradictory hopes, namely, that the commander-in-chief had resolved on prosecuting the war to a final issue,— “because” (as the said Hastings explains himself) “it appears very plainly that Fyzoola Khân and his adherents lay at your mercy, because I apprehend much inconveniency from delays, and because I am morally certain that no good will he gained by negotiating”: thereby artfully suggesting his wishes of what might be, in his hopes of what had been, resolved; and plainly, though indirectly, instigating the commander-in-chief to much effusion of blood in an immediate attack on the Rohillas, posted as they were “in a very strong situation,” and “combating for all.”
XI. That the said Hastings, in the answer aforesaid, did further endeavor to inflame the commander-in-chief against the Nabob Fyzoola Khân, by representing the said Nabob “as highly presuming, insolent, and evasive”; and knowing the distrust which the Nabob Fyzoola Khân entertained of the Vizier, the said Hastings did “expressly desire it should be left wholly to the Vizier to treat with the enemy by his own agents and in his own manner,” — though he, the said Hastings, “by no means wished the Vizier to lose time by seeking an accommodation, since it would be more effectual, more decisive, and more consistent with his dignity, indeed with his honor, which he has already pledged, to abide by his first offers, to dictate the conditions of peace, and to admit only an acceptance without reservation, or a clear refusal, from his adversary”: thereby affecting to hold up, in opposition to and in exclusion of the substantial claims of justice, certain ideal obligations of dignity and honor, — that is to say, the gratification of pride, and the observance of an arrogant determination once declared.
XII. That, although the said answer did not reach the commander-in-chief until peace was actually concluded, and although the dangerous consequences to be apprehended from the said answer were thereby prevented, yet, by the sentiments contained in the said answer, Warren Hastings, Esquire, did strongly evince his ultimate adherence to all the former violent and unjust principles of his conduct towards the Nabob Fyzoola Khân, which principles were disgraceful to the character and injurious to the interests of this nation; and that the said Warren Hastings did thereby, in a particular manner, exclude himself from any share of credit for “the honorable period put to the Rohilla war, which has in some degree done away the reproach so wantonly brought on the English name.”
PART II. RIGHTS OF FYZOOLA KHN UNDER THE TREATY OF LALL-DANG.
I. That, notwithstanding the culpable and criminal reluctance of the President, Hastings, hereinbefore recited, a treaty of peace and friendship between the Vizier Sujah ul Dowlah and the Nabob Fyzoola Khân was finally signed and sealed on the 7th October, 1774, at a place called Lall-Dang, in the presence and with the attestation of the British commander-in-chief, Colonel Alexander Champion aforesaid; and that for the said treaty the Nabob Fyzoola Khân agreed to pay, and did actually pay, the valuable consideration of half his treasure, to the amount of fifteen lacs of rupees, or 150,000l. sterling, and upwards.
II. That by the said treaty the Nabob Fyzoola Khân was established in the quiet possession of Rampoor, Shahabad, and “some other districts dependent thereon,” subject to certain conditions, of which the more important were as follow.
“That Fyzoola Khân should retain in his service five thousand troops, and not a single man more.
“That, with whomsoever the Vizier should make war, Fyzoola Khân should send two or three thousand men, according to his ability, to join the forces of the Vizier.
“And that, if the Vizier should march in person, Fyzoola Khân should himself accompany him with his troops.”
III. That from the terms of the treaty above recited it doth plainly, positively, and indisputably appear that the Nabob Fyzoola Khân, in case of war, was not bound to furnish more than three thousand men under any construction, unless the Vizier should march in person.
IV. That the Nabob Fyzoola Khân was not positively bound to furnish so many as three thousand men, but an indefinite number, not more than three and not less than two thousand; that of the precise number within such limitations the ability of Fyzoola Khân, and not the discretion of the Vizier, was to be the standard; and that such ability could only mean that which was equitably consistent not only with the external defence of his jaghire, but with the internal good management thereof, both as to its police and revenue.
V. That, even in case the Vizier should march in person, it might be reasonably doubted whether the personal service of the Nabob Fyzoola Khân “with his troops” must be understood to be with all his troops, or only with the number before stipulated, not more than three and not less than two thousand men; and that the latter is the interpretation finally adopted by Warren Hastings aforesaid, and the Council of Bengal, who, in a letter to the Court of Directors, dated April 5th, 1783, represent the clauses of the treaty relative to the stipulated aid as meaning simply that Fyzoola Khân “should send two or three thousand men to join the Vizier’s forces, or attend in person in case it should be requisite.”
VI. That from the aforesaid terms of the treaty it doth not specifically appear of what the stipulated aid should consist, whether of horse or foot, or in what proportion of both; but that it is the recorded opinion, maturely formed by the said Hastings and his Council, in January, 1783, that even “a single horseman included in the aid which Fyzoola Khân might furnish would prove a literal compliance with the stipulation.”
VII. That, in the event of any doubt fairly arising from the terms of the treaty, the Nabob Fyzoola Khân, in consideration of his hereditary right to the whole country, and the price by him actually paid for the said treaty, was in equity entitled to the most favorable construction.
VIII. That, from the attestation of Colonel Champion aforesaid, the government of Calcutta acquired the same right to interpose with the Vizier for the protection of the Nabob Fyzoola Khân as they, the said government, had before claimed from a similar attestation of Sir Robert Barker to assist the Vizier in extirpating the whole nation of the said Fyzoola Khân, — more especially as in the case of Sir Robert Barker it was contrary to the remonstrances of the then administration, and the furthest from the intentions of the said Barker himself, that his attestation should involve the Company, but the attestation of Colonel Champion was authorized by all the powers of the government, as a “sanction” intended “to add validity” to the treaty; that they, the said government, and in particular the said Warren Hastings, as the first executive member of the same, were bound by the ties of natural justice duly to exercise the aforesaid
right, if need were; and that their duty so to interfere was more particularly enforced by the spirit of the censures passed both by the Directors and Proprietors in the Rohilla war, and the satisfaction expressed by the Directors “in the honorable end put to that war.”
PART III. GUARANTY OF THE TREATY OF LALL-DANG.
I. That during the life of the Vizier Sujah ul Dowlah, and for some time after his death, under his son and successor, Asoph ul Dowlah, the Nabob Fyzoola Khân did remain without disturbance or molestation; that he did all the while imagine his treaty to be under the sanction of the Company, from Colonel Champion’s affixing his signature thereto as a witness, “which signature, as he [Fyzoola Khân] supposed,” (rendered the Company the arbitrators) between the Vizier and himself, in case of disputes; and that, being “a man of sense, but extreme pusillanimity, a good farmer, fond of wealth, not possessed of the passion of ambition,” he did peaceably apply himself to “improve the state of his country, and did, by his own prudence and attention, increase the revenues thereof beyond the amount specified in Sujah ul Dowlah’s grant.”
II. That in the year 1777, and in the beginning of the year 1778, being “alarmed at the young Vizier’s resumption of a number of jaghires granted by his father to different persons, and the injustice and oppression of his conduct in general,” and having now learned (from whom does not appear, but probably from some person supposed of competent authority) that Colonel Champion formerly witnessed the treaty as a private person, the Nabob Fyzoola Khân did make frequent and urgent solicitations to Nathaniel Middleton, Esquire, then Resident at Oude, and to Warren Hastings aforesaid, then Governor-General of Bengal, “for a renovation of his [the Nabob Fyzoola Khân’s] treaty with the late Vizier, and the guaranty of the Company,” or for a “separate agreement with the Company for his defence”: considering them, the Company, as “the only power in which he had confidence, and to which he could look up for protection.”
III. That the said Resident Middleton, and the said Governor-General Hastings, did not, as they were in duty bound to do, endeavor to allay the apprehensions of the Nabob Fyzoola Khân by assuring him of his safety under the sanction of Colonel Champion’s attestation aforesaid, but by their criminal neglect, if not by positive expressions, (as there is just ground from their subsequent language and conduct to believe,) they, the said Middleton and the said Hastings, did at least keep alive and confirm (whoever may have originally suggested) the said apprehension; and that such neglect alone was the more highly culpable in the said Hastings, inasmuch as he, the said Hastings, in conjunction with other members of the Select Committee of the then Presidency of Bengal, did, on the 17th of September, 1774, write to Colonel Champion aforesaid, publicly authorizing him, the said Colonel Champion, to join his sanction to the accommodations agreed on between the Vizier Sujah ul Dowlah and the Nabob Fyzoola Khân, to add to their validity, — and on the 6th of October following did again write to the said Colonel Champion, more explicitly, to join his sanction, “either by attesting the treaty, or acting as guaranty on the part of the Company for the performance of it”: both which letters, though they did not arrive until after the actual signature of the said Colonel Champion, do yet incontrovertibly mark the solemn intention of the said Committee (of which the said Hastings was President) that the sanction of Colonel Champion’s attestation should be regarded as a public, not a private, sanction; and it was more peculiarly incumbent on such persons, who had been members of the said Committee, so to regard the same.
IV. That the said Warren Hastings was further guilty of much criminal concealment for the space of “twelve months,” inasmuch as he did not lay before the board the frequent and urgent solicitations which he, the said Hastings, was continually receiving from the Nabob Fyzoola Khân, until the 9th of March, 1778; on which day the said Hastings did communicate to the Council a public letter of the aforesaid Middleton, Resident at Oude, acquainting the board that he, the said Middleton, taking occasion from a late application of Fyzoola Khân for the Company’s guaranty, had deputed Mr. Daniel Octavus Barwell (Assistant Resident at Benares, but then on a visit to the Resident Middleton at Lucknow) to proceed with a special commission to Rampoor, there to inquire on the spot into the truth of certain reports circulated to the prejudice of Fyzoola Khân, which reports, however, the said Middleton did afterwards confess himself to have “always” thought “in the highest degree improbable.”
That the said Resident Middleton did “request to know whether, on proof of Fyzoola Khân’s innocence, the honorable board would be pleased to grant him [the Resident] permission to comply with his [Fyzoola Khân’s] request of the Company’s guarantying his treaty with the Vizier.” And the said Middleton, in excuse for having irregularly “availed himself of the abilities of Mr. Daniel Barwell,” who belonged to another station, and for deputing him with the aforesaid commission to Rampoor without the previous knowledge of the board, did urge the plea “of immediate necessity”; and that such plea, if the necessity really existed, was a strong charge and accusation against the said Warren Hastings, from whose criminal neglect and concealment the urgency of such necessity did arise.
V. That the Governor-General, Warren Hastings aforesaid, did immediately move, “that the board approve the deputation of Mr. Daniel Barwell, and that the Resident [Middleton] be authorized to offer the Company’s guaranty for the observance of the treaty subsisting between the Vizier and Fyzoola Khân, provided it meets with the Vizier’s concurrence”; and that the Governor-General’s proposition was resolved in the affirmative: the usual majority of Council then consisting of Richard Barwell, Esquire, a near relation of Daniel Octavus Barwell aforesaid, and the Governor-General, Warren Hastings, who, in case of an equality, had the casting voice.
VI. That, on receiving from Mr. Daniel Barwell full and early assurance of Fyzoola Khân’s “having preserved every article of his treaty inviolate,” the Resident, Middleton, applied for the Vizier’s concurrence, which was readily obtained, — the Vizier, however, “premising, that he gave his consent, taking it for granted, that, on Fyzoola Khân’s receiving the treaty and khelaut [or robe of honor], he was to make him a return of the complimentary presents usually offered on such occasions, and of such an amount as should be a manifestation of Fyzoola Khân’s due sense of his friendship, and suitable to his Excellency’s rank to receive”; and that the Resident, Middleton, “did make himself in some measure responsible for the said presents being obtained,” and did write to Mr. Daniel Barwell accordingly.
VII. That, agreeably to the resolution of Council hereinbefore recited, the solicited guaranty, under the seal of the Resident, Middleton, thus duly authorized on behalf of the Company, was transmitted, together with the renewed treaty, to Mr. Daniel Barwell aforesaid at Rampoor, and that they were both by him, the said Barwell, presented to the Nabob Fyzoola Khân, with a solemnity not often paralleled, “in the presence of the greatest part of the Nabob’s subjects, who were assembled, that the ceremony might create a full belief in the breasts of all his people that the Company would protect him as long as he strictly adhered to the letter of his treaty.”
VIII. That, in the conclusion of the said ceremony, the Nabob Fyzoola Khân did deliver to the said Barwell, for the use of the Vizier, a nuzzer (or present) of elephants, horses, &c., and did add thereto a lac of rupees, or 10,000l. and upwards: which sum the said Barwell, “not being authorized to accept any pecuniary consideration, did at first refuse; but upon Fyzoola Khân’s urging, that on such occasions it was the invariable custom of Hindostan, and that it must on the present be expected, as it had been formerly the case,” (but when does not appear,) he, the said Barwell, did accept the said lac in the name of the Vizier, our ally, “in whose wealth” (as Warren Hastings on another occasion observed) “we should participate,” and on whom we at that time had an accumulating demand.
IX. That, over and above the lac of rupees thus presented to the Vizier, the Nabob Fyzoola Khân did likewise offer one other lac
of rupees, or upwards of 10,000l. more, for the Company, “as some acknowledgment of the obligation he received; that, although such acknowledgment was not pretended to be the invariable custom of Hindostan on such occasions, however it might on the present be expected,” Mr. Daniel Barwell aforesaid (knowing, probably, the disposition and views of the then actual government at Calcutta) did not, even at first, decline the said offer, but, as he was not empowered to accept it, did immediately propose taking a bond for the amount, until the pleasure of the board should be known.
That the offer was accordingly communicated by the said Barwell to the Resident, Middleton, to be by him, the Resident, referred to the board, and that it was so referred; that, in reply to the said reference of the Resident, Middleton, the Governor-General, Warren Hastings, did move and carry a vote of Council, “authorizing Mr. Middleton to accept the offer made by Fyzoola Khân to the Company of one lac of rupees,” without assigning any reason whatever in support of the said motion, notwithstanding it was objected by a member of the board, “that, if the measure was right, it became us to adopt it without such a consideration,” and that “our accepting of the lac of rupees as a recompense for our interposition is beneath the dignity of this government [of Calcutta], and will discredit us in the eyes of the Indian powers.”
That the acceptance of the said sum, in this circumstance, was beneath the dignity of the said government, and did tend so to discredit us; and that the motion of the said Hastings for such acceptance was therefore highly derogatory to the honor of this nation.