by Henry Kamen
80. A. Redondo, “Luther et l’Espagne de 1520 à 1536,” MCV 1 (1965).
81. Pardo Tomás, p. 30.
82. Reguera, pp. 140–42.
83. AHN Inq, lib. 737, f. 343.
84. AHN Inq, lib. 1233, f. 209.
85. AHN Inq, lib. 743.
86. See Nesvig, “Cordon Sanitaire: Efforts and Failures of Book Censorship,” in Ideology and Inquisition, for a good assessment of how the system of controls worked in colonial Mexico.
87. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.
88. Order of Mar. 1606, AHN Inq, lib. 743.
89. AHN Inq, lib. 737, f. 73.
90. AHN Inq, leg. 44701, no. 3.
91. Pinto Crespo, p. 128.
92. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 224.
93. AHN Inq, lib. 731, f. 166.
94. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 223.
95. AHN Inq, leg. 44701, no. 3.
96. C. Péligry, “Les difficultés de l’édition castillane au XVIIe siècle,” MCV 13 (1977).
97. Pinto Crespo, p. 641.
98. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 223.
99. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 228.
100. AHN Inq, leg. 45171, no. 1.
101. AHN Inq, leg. 44701, no. 4; leg. 45171, no. 1. Cf. also Pardo Tomás, pp. 289–91.
102. M. Agulló y Cobo, “La Inquisición y los libreros españoles en el siglo XVII,” Cuadernos bibliográficos 28 (1972).
103. See Bujanda, V, 127–31.
104. Fidel Fita, SJ, “Los tres procesos de San Ignacio de Loyola en Alcalá de Henares,” BRAH 33 (1898).
105. Cf. Hamilton, pp. 91–97.
106. Hamilton, p. 97. Loyola continued to be looked upon as an illuminist by his critics both in Paris and even in papal Rome: see Enrique García Hernán, Ignacio de Loyola, Madrid, 2013.
107. Llorente 1817–18, I, 343–45; Márquez, Literatura, pp. 40–42; Bataillon, p. 164.
108. Dalmases, “Francisco de Borja,”, p. 64.
109. Gil Fernández, p. 447.
110. For a presentation of Fray Luis’s experience with the Inquisition, see Colin P. Thompson, The Strife of Tongues: Fray Luis de Leon and the Golden Age of Spain, Cambridge, 1988, pp. 51–75.
111. Fernando Domínguez Reboiras, Gaspar de Grajal (1530–1575). Frühneuzeitliche Bibelwissenschaft im Streit mit Universität und Inquisition, Münster, 1998.
112. Lea, III, 149–62; Luis Alonso Getino, OP, “La causa de Fr Luis de León,” RABM 9 (1903) and 11 (1904); CODOIN, vols. 10–11.
113. Miguel de la Pinta Llorente, OP, Proceso contra el hebraista Martín Martínez de Cantalapiedra, Madrid, 1946, p. 392.
114. B. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano, London, 1972, chap. 3. Rekers’s study has several important slips, including the claim that “the whole of Montano’s work was prohibited” by the Inquisition (p. 68); on this point see J. A. Jones, “Pedro de Valencia’s Defence of Arias Montano: The Expurgatory Indexes of 1607 (Rome) and 1612 (Madrid),” BHR 40 (1978). Rekers also accepts the unproven claim by A. Sicroff (Sicroff, p. 269) that Montano was of converso origin.
115. CODOIN, vol. 41, pp. 316, 387.
116. Gregorio de Andrés, Proceso inquisitorial del Padre Sigüenza, Madrid, 1975.
117. A. Tovar and M. de la Pinta Llorente, Procesos inquisitoriales contra Francisco Sánchez de las Brozas, Madrid, 1941, p. xliv.
118. “Por ser Grajal y Fray Luis notorios conversos, pienso que no quieren mas que oscurecer a nuestra fe catolica y bolver a su ley”: quoted in Thompson, The Strife of Tongues, p. 57.
119. Américo Castro, “Erasmo en tiempo de Cervantes,” RFE 18 (1931), p. 364.
120. Cf. the intriguing book by Arthur Versluis, The New Inquisitions: Heretic-Hunting and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Totalitarianism, Oxford. 2006.
121. Américo Castro, “Erasmo en tiempo de Cervantes,” p. 366.
122. Juan de Mal Lara, Filosofia vulgar, ed. A. Vilanova, 3 vols., Barcelona, 1958–59, I, 29.
123. Miguel de la Pinta Llorente, La Inquisición española y los problemas de la cultura y de la intolerancia, Madrid, 1953, p. 152.
124. Cited in Márquez, Literatura, p. 83.
125. Cited in part in Bataillon, p. 727.
126. Enrique Llamas, Santa Teresa de Jesús y la Inquisición española, Madrid, 1972, p. 99. See also F. Márquez Villanueva, Espiritualidad y literatura en el siglo XVI, Madrid, 1968, pp. 145–52, 179–86. A study by Carole Slade, St Teresa of Avila: Author of a Heroic Life, Berkeley, 1995, suggests that Teresa’s Inquisition experiences influenced all her writing.
127. Alvaro Huerga, Predicadores, alumbrados e Inquisición en el siglo XVI, Madrid, 1973; Los alumbrados de Baeza, Jaén, 1978; Historia de los alumbrados (1570–1630), 2 vols., Madrid, 1978.
128. For a brief critique, see Kamen, 1996.
129. Cf the entertaining essay by Nicholas Round, “La ‘peculiaridad’ literaria de los conversos. ¿Unicornio o snark?” in Alcalá 1995, p. 557.
130. The observations by Márquez, Literatura, pp. 46–48, to the effect that Rojas has never been firmly identified as a converso, have not to my knowledge been refuted.
131. A partial list of possible conversos in J.-C. Gómez-Menor, “Linaje judío de escritores religiosos y místicos españoles del siglo XVI,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 587.
132. A caustic critique of Castro’s views is given by Eugenio Asensio, “Notas sobre la historiografía de Américo Castro,” AEM 8 (1972–73). The fundamental divide occurred between Castro and his colleague Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz.
133. The circumstances of this invitation are explained in my The Duke of Alba, New Haven and London. 2004, chap. 2.
134. Miguel de la Pinta Llorente and J. M. de Palacio, Procesos inquisitoriales contra la familia judía de Juan Luis Vives, Madrid, 1964.
135. Cited by Gregorio Marañón, Españoles fuera de España, Buenos Aires, 1947, p. 145.
136. See Kamen, Phoenix, p. 271, and sources there cited.
137. Lea, IV, 528.
138. Lord Acton, Essays on Church and State, London, 1952, p. 393.
139. Américo Castro, España en su historia. Cristianos, moros y judíos, Buenos Aires, 1948, p. 598.
140. Menéndez y Pelayo, V, 482.
141. Bujanda, VI, 76.
142. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 418, 421.
143. Maxime Chevalier, Lectura y lectores en la España del siglo XVI y XVII, Madrid, 1976.
144. López Piñero, pp. 147–48.
145. Jan Lechner, Repertorio de obras de autores españoles en bibliotecas holandesas hasta comienzos del siglo XVIII, Utrecht, 2001, p. 309. I am grateful to Dr. Lechner for making this very useful work available to me.
146. José Manuel Losada Goya, Bibliographie critique de la littérature espagnole en France au XVIIe siècle, Geneva, 1999.
147. M.-C. Rodríguez and B. Bennassar, “Signatures et niveau culturel,” Caravelle 31 (1978); where the criterion adopted for writing was the ability to make a signature. Cf. Manuel Peña, “El espejo de los libros: Lecturas y lectores en la España del siglo de oro,” La cultura del libro en la edad moderna: Andalucía y América, Córdoba, 2001.
148. Even today, in the second decade of the twenty-first century, the official statistic is that one of every two Spanish adults never opens a book.
149. Cf. Andrew Pettegree, “Centre and Periphery in the European Book World,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (2008), p. 127.
150. See the appendix on foreign vernacular books at the fair, by Andrew Pettegree, “French books at the Frankfurt Fair,” in Heal and Grell, p. 266.
151. “The mechanisms of censorship were of limited significance in altering intellectual development”: R. A. Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe. Culture and Education, 1500–1800, London. 1988, p. 165.
152. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 401.
153. Marquis of Almazán to Philip II, 23 Mar. 1585, BZ, 130, f. 12.
154. Márquez, Literatura, pp. 189–200.
155. A. Paz y Meliá, Papeles de Inquisición, 2nd edn, Madrid, 1947, pp. 23, 69, 71.
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156. “Las obras de caridad que se hazen tibia y flojamente no tienen mérito ni valen nada”: Quijote, part 2, chap. 36. See A. Castro, “Cervantes y la Inquisición,” MP 27 (1929–30).
157. Márquez, Literatura, pp. 168–69.
158. See Rosario Villari, Elogio della dissimulazione, Bari, 1987, p. 19. Another recent survey, by Jon R. Snyder, Dissimulation and the Culture of Secrecy in Early Modern Europe, Berkeley, 2009, focuses mainly on Italy.
159. On this writer, cf. the opinion of Manning, p. 11.
160. Paul F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540–1605, Princeton, 1977, p. 162.
161. Alfred Soman, “Press, Pulpit and Censorship in France before Richelieu,” PAPS 120 (1976), p. 454.
162. Debora K. Shuger, Censorship and Cultural Sensibility: The Regulation of Language in Tudor-Stuart England, Philadelphia, 2006, p. 236.
163. Pardo Tomás feels (p. 269) that “la eficacia de los sistemas de control fue elevada” up to the seventeenth century. His view is based exclusively on the Inquisition’s own papers, which were obviously optimistic about the success achieved.
164. Angel Alcalá, in “Inquisitorial Control of Writers,” in Alcalá 1987, p. 321, places emphasis on the word “control.” Elsewhere (same volume, p. 617) he states his opinion that “the inquisitorial system kept Spain in chains for three hundred and fifty years.”
165. The view of Pinto Crespo, “Thought Control in Spain,” in Haliczer 1987, p. 185. See also Haliczer’s recent view: “the increasing weight of censorship created a chilling effect on Spanish intellectual life. This repressive atmosphere was greatly reinforced by inquisitorial activity against intellectual or academic discourse”: Stephen Haliczer, Between Exaltation and Infamy: Female Mystics in the Golden Age of Spain, Oxford, 2002, p. 10.
166. Pardo Tomás, p. 87, expresses this opinion because a report of the Inquisition in 1632 stated that “de los libros que salen de herejes son muy pocos los que llegan a España.” The report, full of self-satisfaction, needs to be contrasted with the reality that foreign books were readily available to those who sought them.
167. Cf. John Gascoigne, “A Reappraisal of the Role of the Universities in the Scientific Revolution,” in David Lindberg and Robert Westman, eds., Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, Cambridge, 1990, p. 250.
168. Cf. Antonio Barrera-Osorio, Experiencing Nature: The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientific Revolution, Austin, 2006, pp. 28–134.
169. For these themes, see in particular Daniela Bleichmar, Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, 1500–1800, Stanford, 2009, and the reference to the Inquisition at p. 321.
170. Pardo Tomás, pp. 220–27.
171. Pardo Tomás, pp. 151–83.
172. Useful texts showing how some Spaniards had contact with scientific principles are set out in J. M. López Piñero, V. Navarro Brotons and E. Portela Marco, Materiales para la historia de las ciencias en España: s.XVI-XVII, Valencia, 1976.
173. For the context of this, see Kamen 1980, p. 324.
174. Unfamiliar with the languages of northern Europe, educated Spaniards accessed works in English and Dutch through the relevant French translation.
175. AHN Inq, leg. 4695/2.
176. Ramón Ceñal, “Cartesianismo en España. Notas para su historia (1650–1750),” Revista de la Universidad de Oviedo (1945), special number, p. 30.
177. Cited in Gil Fernández, p. 476.
178. Cf. the opinion of R. O. Jones in 1971: “La España de Felipe II quedó cerrada a las nuevas corrientes de ideas del otro lado de sus fronteras,” in Historia de la literatura española. Siglo de oro: Prosa y poesía, Barcelona, 1974, p. 124.
179. In sixteenth-century England Hakluyt edited many Spanish travel accounts; for the Low Countries, see Jan Lechner, Repertorio de obras de autores españoles.
180. David E. Vassberg, The Village and the Outside World in Golden Age Castile, Cambridge, 1996, p. 129.
181. Cf. Pettegree, pp. 87–88.
182. Cited by L. Hanke, “Free Speech in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America,” HAHR 26 (1946).
183. Diego Saavedra Fajardo, Empresas, cited in José Antonio Maravall, Culture of the Baroque: Analysis of a Historical Structure, Manchester, 1986, p. 275.
184. David C. Goodman, Power and Penury: Government, Technology and Science in Philip II’s Spain, Cambridge, 1988, passim.
185. Pettegree, p. 114.
186. The view of D. W. Cruikshank, “‘Literature’ and the Book Trade in Golden Age Spain,” MLR 73 (1978). Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 389–93 and authorities cited there.
187. A notable exception was the Mendoza family. For a perspective of the nobles as a whole, see Gil Fernández, pp. 299–327; Friedrich Edelmayer, “Aspectos del trabajo de los embajadores de la casa de Austria en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI,” Pedralbes 9 (1989), p. 47.
188. Quoted in Ramón Menéndez Pidal, The Spaniards in Their History, trans. Walter Starkie, London, 1950, p. 204.
189. Antonio Lafuente and Antonio Mazuecos, Los caballeros del punto fijo. Ciencia, política y aventura en la expedición geodésica hispanofrancesa al virreinato del Perú en el siglo XVIII, Madrid, 1987. See also Henry Kamen, Empire: How Spain Became a World Power, New York, 2003, chap. 10.
190. Cf. the presentations by François Lopez and Francisco Sánchez-Blanco in Dieciocho: Hispanic Enlightenment, Charlottesville, Va. (spring 1997).
191. Macanaz, cited in Kamen, Phoenix, p. 313.
192. Cited in Kamen 1980, p. 313.
193. James Boswell, The Life of Samuel Johnson, 2 vols., London, 1949, I, 226.
CHAPTER SEVEN. THE END OF MORISCO SPAIN
Epigraph. Cited by Luce López-Baralt, in her chapter in Legacy of Muslim Spain, p. 551.
1. See the fine account by Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols., Cambridge, 1954, I, 107.
2. By now, Christian savagery in holy wars was habitual, the obvious example being the brutal massacre of all the inhabitants of Jerusalem—men, women and children, Muslims and Jews alike—when the Crusaders captured the city in 1099: Runciman, Crusades, I, 286–87.
3. For Cisneros’s conquests, see Kamen, Empire, pp. 30–31.
4. Cisneros to the chapter of Toledo cathedral, 3 Feb. 1500, in Ladero 1988, p. 427.
5. Cited in Ladero 1988, p. 305, n.66.
6. Royal letter of 12 Oct. 1501, in Ladero 1988, p. 478.
7. Quoted by L. P. Harvey, in his chapter in Legacy of Muslim Spain, p. 219.
8. My view, repeated over the years, is now reinforced by the work of Mark D. Meyerson, “Religious Change, Regionalism, and Royal Power in the Spain of Fernando and Isabel,” in L. J. Simon, ed., Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages, vol. I, Leiden, 1995, pp. 101–2.
9. On this, cf. B. Vincent, “Los moriscos y la circuncisión,” in Vincent.
10. H. C. Lea, The Moriscos of Spain: Their Conversion and Expulsion, London, 1901, pp. 409–14. Lea’s book is still the best general study.
11. A. Redondo, Antonio de Guevara (1480?-1545) et l’Espagne de son temps, Geneva, 1976.
12. M. A. Ladero Quesada, Los Mudéjares del reino de Castilla en tiempo de Isabel I, Valladolid, 1969.
13. Jacqueline Fournel, “Le livre et la civilisation écrite dans la communauté morisque aragonaise (1540–1620),” MCV 15 (1979).
14. Monter 1990, p. 212.
15. G. Colás Latorre, “Los moriscos aragoneses y su expulsión,” in Destierros aragoneses, pp. 203–5.
16. M. C. Anson Calvo, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 309.
17. Cf. Mikel de Epalza, “Les Morisques,” in Les Morisques et leur temps, Paris, 1983, pp. 38–39.
18. Cf. Mikel de Epalza, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 225.
19. See Kamen 2007, chap. 2. Gayangos’s discovery was reported in a letter to a friend: “About a year ago I was turning over hundreds of Spanish manuscripts in the library of the British Museum, when I chanced across some aljamiado poems. Then in Madrid I
was examining some so-called Arabic manuscripts in the National Library, and discovered that most of them even though written in Arabic characters really contained accounts in Castilian and in Catalan, more or less mixed up with Arab words, depending on the education or calling of the writer. I mentioned this discovery to my late master the Baron Silvestre de Sacy [in Paris], who encouraged me to try and decipher some of the documents. I did so, and though it was very hard work at first, because of the corrupt language, the progress I made soon repaid my efforts fully.”
20. G. Colás Latorre, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 199.
21. The cases happened in 1637: see Eric Dursteler, “Muslim Renegade Women: Conversion and Agency in the Early Modern Mediterranean,” Journal of Mediterranean Studies 16, 1–2 (2006), pp. 103–12.
22. BL, Egerton 1832, ff. 37–38, gives a long list of the complaints of the Cortes against the Inquisition in every sphere of its activity.
23. Leila Sabbagh, “La religion des Moriscos entre deux fatwas,” in Les Morisques et leur temps, p. 49.
24. In reality, taqiyya was a principle of long standing in Islam, a form of mental reservation that was officially permitted to Shia Muslims who suffered persecution from states controlled by Sunni Muslims. See Etan Kohlberg, “Taqiyya in Shi’i Islam,” in Hans G. Kippenberg and Guy G. Strournsa, eds., Secrecy and Concealment: Studies in the History of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Religions, Leiden, 1995, pp. 345–80.
25. Reinkowski, pp. 422–23.
26. “The theory of a sharply divided Christian and Muslim world is not tenable”: Ciappara, p. 225.
27. Raphael Carrasco, p. 198.
28. G. Colás Latorre, “Cristianos y moriscos en Aragón,” MCV 29, 2 (1993).
29. Peter Dressendörfer, Islam unter der Inquisition. Die Morisco-Prozesse in Toledo 1575–1610, Wiesbaden, 1971, p. 64, n. 171.
30. “Sexualization transformed Moriscos into a dangerous deviant group, and provided imagery to justify Christian oppression. Moriscos represented the impure, the lewd, and the nefarious. . . . Christians saw sexual menace”: Mary Elizabeth Perry, The Handless Maiden: Moriscos and the Politics of Religion in Early Modern Spain, Princeton, 2005, pp. 54–56.
31. R. Carrasco, “Le refus d’assimilation des Morisques: Aspects politiques et culturels d’après les sources inquisitoriales,” in Les Morisques et leur temps.