by Henry Kamen
32. A. Fernández de Madrid, Vida de Fray Fernando de Talavera, Granada, 1992, p. lix.
33. Quoted in Nader, The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance, p. 187.
34. Cardaillac, passim. A good survey also is Anwar G. Chejne, Islam and the West: The Moriscos, Albany, 1983.
35. Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent, chap. 5; R. Benítez and E. Ciscar, “La Iglesia ante la conversión y la expulsión de los Moriscos,” in García-Villoslada, IV, 255–307.
36. Ehlers, pp. 84–90.
37. Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 149.
38. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 133.
39. J. Contreras, “La Inquisición de Aragón: Estructura y oposición (1550–1700),” Estudios de historia social 1 (1977). “Life” sentences in Spain never amounted to more than a few months.
40. García-Arenal 1978, p. 84.
41. J.-P. Dedieu, “Les Morisques de Daimiel et l’Inquisition,” in Les Morisques et leur temps.
42. Archbishop of Valencia to Philip II, 9 Aug. 1567, BL, Egerton, 1510, f. 115.
43. J. Aranda Doncel, “La esclavitud en Córdoba,” in Córdoba, apuntes para su historia, Córdoba, 1981.
44. Carrasco, p. 205.
45. Cf. Monter 1990, chap. 9, with useful new perspectives.
46. Vincent, p. 125.
47. García-Arenal 1978, pp. 11, 23, 39.
48. Monter 1990, p. 189.
49. García-Arenal 1978, p. 39; García Fuentes, p. xxxiii.
50. Bishop of Tortosa to Cardinal Espinosa, 28 July 1568, AHN Inq, leg. 21551.
51. Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 148.
52. L. García Ballester, Medicina, ciencia y minorías marginadas: Los moriscos, Granada, 1977.
53. Cardaillac, p. 100.
54. J. M. Magán García and R. Sánchez González, Moriscos granadinos en La Sagra de Toledo 1570–1610, Toledo, 1993, p. 82.
55. García-Arenal 1978, p. 117.
56. Monter 1990, pp. 224–26.
57. A thorough study of the matter can be found in Manuel Barrios Aguilera and Mercedes García-Arenal, eds., Los plomos del Sacromonte: Invención y tesoro, Valencia, 2006; and by the same authors, ¿La historia inventada? Los libros plúmbeos y el legado sacromontano, Granada, 2008. There is a good discussion in David Coleman, Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City, 1492–1600, Ithaca, 2003, pp. 189–201; and in A. K. Harris, From Muslim to Christian Granada: Inventing a City’s Past in Early Modern Spain. Baltimore, 2007.
58. B. Vincent, “Los moriscos del reino de Granada después de 1570,” NRFH 30 (1981).
59. T. Halperin Donghi, “Les Morisques du royaume de Valence au XVIe siècle,” Annales (1956); T. Halperin Donghi, “Un conflicto nacional en el siglo de oro,” CHE 23–24 (1955), and 25–26 (1957).
60. A. Hess, “The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column,” AHR 74 (1968–69).
61. J. Aranda Doncel, “Cristianos y moriscos en Córdoba,” in Les Morisques et leur temps, p. 263.
62. Braudel, I, 591. The phrase may appear exaggerated, but problems of multi-cultural coexistence are still an issue in Europe, for example, in England and the Netherlands.
63. BN, MS.721, ff. 39–46.
64. Ehlers, p. 111.
65. This conclusion, drawn from research by James Casey, is summarized in Henry Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714: A Society of Conflict, London, 1991, p. 221.
66. In reality, in Valencia at least, Morisco growth was already falling off: James Casey, “Moriscos and the Depopulation of Valencia,” P&P 50 (1971).
67. Cf. James B. Tueller, Good and Fruitful Christians. Moriscos and Catholicism in Early Modern Spain, New Orleans, 2002, pp. 161–72.
68. The following details are drawn from the authoritative study by Henri Lapeyre, Géographie de l’Espagne morisque, Paris, 1959.
69. Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent, chap. 9.
70. BL, Eg.MS.1151, ff. 323, 336. Cf. Pascual Boronat, Los moriscos españoles y su expulsión, 2 vols., Valencia, 1901, II, 657–61 .
71. AHN Inq, leg. 46711.
72. Carr, chaps. 18–20, gives an excellent survey of the expulsion.
73. On Cervantes’ views, cf. F. Márquez Villanueva, Personajes y temas del Quijote, Madrid, 1975.
74. Boronat, Los moriscos españoles, II, 196–97; F. Janer, La condición social de los moriscos de España, Madrid, 1857, pp. 114, 116.
75. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 102.
76. Boronat, Los moriscos españoles, II, 68–93.
77. Kamen 1980, p. 304.
78. The best survey of the emigration is Henri Lapeyre, La géographie de l’Espagne morisque, Paris, 1959.
79. For Ricote, see Tueller, Good and Fruitful Christians, pp. 180–89.
80. For some cases, Rosa Blasco, “Los moriscos que permanecieron en el obispado de Orihuela después de 1609,” Sharq al-Andalus 6 (1989).
81. Alcalá 1987, p. 83.
82. Martine Ravillard, Bibliographie commentée des Morisques, Algiers, 1979.
83. Cited in G. Gozalbes Busto, Los moriscos en Marruecos, Granada, 1992, p. 115.
84. Quoted in Kagan and Dyer, p. 126.
85. Trevor Dadson, Los moriscos de Villarubia de los Ojos (siglos XV-XVIII), Madrid, 2007, cited in Carr, p. 269.
86. Figures (probably insecure) as given by Contreras, in Henningsen and Tedeschi, p. 119.
87. AHN Inq, leg. 51261. This case is completely unstudied.
88. Wiegers, p. 12.
89. Wiegers, pp. 13–14, puts forward the idea of Luna as the possible author. However, he also says in another essay: “It seems most likely that the author was a European convert to Islam who wrote in Istanbul and was in close contact with Moriscos in Tunis, Spain and Morocco” (Wiegers, “European Converts to Islam in the Maghrib and the Polemical Writings of the Moriscos,” in Mercedes García-Arenal, ed., Conversions islamiques. Identités religieuses en Islam méditerranéen, Paris, 2001, p. 212).
90. Available in several published editions, and also as an e-document on the Internet.
91. The best summary of research on the Gospel of Barnabas is by Jan Slomp, “The Gospel of Barnabas in Recent Research,” Islamochristiana, Rome, 23 (1997). Basic contributions to the idea of a Morisco origin came from M. de Epalza, “Le milieu hispano-moresque de l’Evangile islamisant de Barnabé (XVI-XVIIe s.),” Islamochristiana, Rome, 8 (1982), and more recently from Luis Bernabé, “Los mecanismos de una resistencia: Los libros plúmbeos del Sacromonte y el Evangelio de Bernabé,” al-Qantara, Madrid, 23, 2 (2002).
92. Our information on Alonso de Luna comes from his statements to the Inquisition in AHN Inq, leg. 1953, reproduced, for example, in Bernard Vincent, “Et quelques voix de plus: De Francisco Núñez Muley à Fatima Ratal,” Sharq al-Andalus 12 (1995), pp. 142–44.
93. Beebe Bahrami, “Al-Andalus and Memory: The Past and Being Present among Hispano-Moroccan Andalucians from Rabat,” in Beckwith, pp. 127, 137.
94. For aspects of the continuing Hispanic memory among exiles, see Míkel de Epalza and Ramon Petit, eds., Recueil d’études sur les moriscos andalous en Tunisie, Madrid and Tunis, 1973. I am grateful to Luce López-Baralt for this reference.
95. Susan T. Rivers, “Exiles from Andalucia,” Aramco World 42, 4 (July–Aug. 1991).
96. Castro, chap. VIII, “Islamic Tradition and Spanish Life.”
97. Bennassar 1988, pp. 1349–66.
98. Anita González, “La Inquisición en las fronteras del Mediterráneo. Historia de los renegados, 1540–1694,” Areas 9 (1988), pp. 51–74. The phenomenon of renegades could also be found among Christian Italians.
99. Some figures for the case of Malta are in Ciappara, pp. 250–60.
100. Bennassar 1988, p. 1349.
101. Antonio de Sosa’s Topography of Algiers (1612), ed. and introd. by María Antonia Garcés, trans. Diana de Armas Wilson, Notre Dame, 2011, p. 8.
102. Tijana Krstić, Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire, Stanford, 2011, p. 2.
&nb
sp; 103. Ronald Hilton, La légende noire au 18e siècle: Le monde hispanique vu du dehors, 2002 (online).
104. Henry Swinburne, Travels through Spain, in the Years 1775 and 1776, 2nd edn., 2 vols., London, 1787, I, 261.
105. For Orientalism in Spain, see Kamen 2007, chap. 2.
CHAPTER EIGHT. THE POLITICS OF HERESY
Epigraph. Inquisitors to Suprema, 1623, AHN Inq, lib. 744, f. 146.
1. Leopold von Ranke, The Ottoman and Spanish Empires, Philadelphia, 1945, translated from the German version of 1827.
2. For example, Bennassar 1979, p. 373, on the tribunal as “arme absolue de la monarchie”; A. Domínguez Ortiz, “Regalismo y relaciones Iglesia-Estado,” in García-Villoslada, IV, 113–21; and Perry and Cruz, p. 110: “historians may be wrong in concluding that the Holy Office did not serve as an instrument of royal absolutism.”
3. Bethencourt, p. 1. The idea of the Inquisition as an instrument for building the modern state is proposed by some students of institutional history, e.g., Irene Silverblatt, Modern Inquisitions, Durham, 2004, who presents the Spanish tribunal as “the most modern of Spain’s bureaucracies” (p. 6), creator of “modern power” and bureaucracy, a contributor to “state building in the name of truth” (p. 120). For a corrective to this view, see Alejandro Cañeque, “On Modernity, Colonialism and the Spanish Inquisition: Reflections on the Spanish Empire in the New World,” 2011 paper delivered at Boston, accessible online.
4. Netanyahu 1995, p. 1051. Netanyahu denies that the king wished to achieve absolutism through political means (p. 1024); rather, he states, the king’s objective was to consolidate his power by playing the religious card against the Jews.
5. The best and only survey of royal absolutism in Spain is I. A. A. Thompson, “Absolutism, Legalism and the Law in Castile, 1500–1700,” in R. G. Asch and H. Duchhardt, eds., Der Absolutismus—Ein Mythos? Cologne, 1996. Spanish “legists,” writes Thompson, “rejected the concept of absolute as illegitimate and abhorrent.”
6. For a balanced view of the role of clerical elites in state building, see Hélène Millet and Peter Moraw, “Clerics in the State,” in Wolfgang Reinhard, ed., Power Elites and State Building, Oxford, 1996, chap. 9.
7. Sesma Muñoz, p. 229.
8. This date, suggested by José Antonio Escudero (“The Origin of the Suprema,” in Alcalá 1987), revises the date 1483 given by Lea.
9. Lea, I, 174.
10. Quoted in Galván Rodríguez, p. 37.
11. Quoted in Poole, p. 81.
12. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 23: “el más perro hombre del mundo, hereje cruel.”
13. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 135; García-Cárcel 1980, p. 127.
14. AHN Inq, lib. 1275, f. 169.
15. See Galván Rodríguez, p. 567.
16. Galván Rodríguez, p. 676.
17. Cited by R. López Vela, in Historia, II, 105.
18. In fact, for Aragon, Italy, Navarre and America.
19. Historia, II, 112–16.
20. Lea, II, 168–78. The case has been studied recently in a Madrid thesis by Chicha Gómez.
21. Nicolau Eimeric and Francisco Peña, Le manual des inquisiteurs, ed. L. Sala-Molins, Paris, 1973.
22. Given, p. 215.
23. Lea, II, passim.
24. “‘Inquisition’ was what the inquisitors did when carrying out their functions”: Novalín, in Historia, I, 635.
25. For one view of the Instructions, see J. L. González Novalín, “Reforma de las leyes del Santo Oficio,” in Nueva visión, pp. 211–17.
26. AHN Inq, lib. 497.
27. I here follow J. Contreras and J. P. Dedieu, “Geografía de la Inquisición española: La formación de los distritos, 1470–1820,” Hispania 40 (1980); but their information should be balanced against the exhaustive listing in Lea, I, 541–55.
28. Report to Suprema, Apr. 1582, AHN Inq, lib. 739, f. 176.
29. It is possible to offer alternative dates, depending on what one means by “establishment.”
30. Toledo had four: see R. Pérez-Bustamante, “Nóminas de inquisidores,” in Nueva visión, p. 261.
31. Cf. J. Caro Baroja, El señor inquisidor y otras vidas por oficio, Madrid, 1970, pp. 20, 31.
32. J.-P. Dedieu, in Bennassar 1979, p. 84.
33. Some theoretical aspects of criminal law, however, were being explored by sixteenth-century Spanish writers such as Alfonso de Castro.
34. The relevance of medieval inquisitors such as Gui and Eimeric to the subsequent development of the phenomenon of Inquisition is one of the themes in Karen Sullivan, The Inner Lives of Medieval Inquisitors, Chicago, 2011, especially chap. 7.
35. With prominent exceptions such as Fernando de Valdés, inquisitors have been little studied. A pioneering work was Caro Baroja’s El Señor Inquisidor y otras vidas por oficio, Madrid, 2006 edn, first publ. 1968. I have been unable to consult the forthcoming study by Kimberly Lynn, Between Court and Confessional: The Politics of Spanish Inquisitors, Cambridge, 2013.
36. Rules of 1560 and 1573 required that they be married, peaceable and of non-converso origin, with a minimum age of twenty-five: Lea, II, 275, 279.
37. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 217.
38. Letter of 25 Aug, 1615, AHN Inq, lib. 742, f. 254.
39. Contreras, pp. 90–92.
40. R. García-Cárcel, “Número y sociología de los familiares de la Inquisición valenciana,” in Nueva visión, p. 277.
41. Philip II to Quiroga, 16 July 1574, BL, Eg.1506, f .21v.
42. Lea, I, 447.
43. Report of 13 May 1628, AHN Inq, leg. 21551.
44. Letter of 7 May 1609, AHN Inq, lib. 741, f. 325.
45. Letter of 8 Oct. 1622, AHN Inq, lib. 744, f. 7.
46. The familars were Narcis Portell and Salvador Feliu: see Kamen, Phoenix, p. 268. As merchants, they were not interested in holding administrative posts.
47. García-Cárcel, “Número y sociología,” p. 279. In Valencia and Granada the Inquisition also appointed Moriscos as familiars.
48. The conclusion in Jaime Contreras, “The Social Infrastructure of the Inquisition: Familiars and Commissioners,” in Alcalá 1987, pp. 133–58, that familiars in Aragon were from “the middle class and wealthy bourgeoisie,” is incorrect.
49. For familiars in Catalonia, see Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 265–70, a picture that corrects the presentation given by Contreras, “The Social Infrastructure,” p. 151, of Catalan familiars as having “a predominance of the middle classes.”
50. Inquisitors to Suprema, 24 June 1597, AHN Inq, leg. 27071.
51. Contreras, “The Social Infrastructure,” pp. 90–92, 129–30.
52. Libro histórico politico. Sólo Madrid es Corte, Madrid, 1675.
53. AHN Inq, leg. 5025/1.
54. An analysis of comisarios in the diocese of Cuenca is given by Sara Nalle, “Inquisitors, Priests and People during the Catholic Reformation in Spain,” SCJ 18, 4 (1987). She gives an unlikely image of an Inquisition “with the ability to correct the religious beliefs and activities of the most humble shepherd or lofty lord.” Her later study on the same area, God in La Mancha, modifies this position somewhat.
55. Cf. Given, pp. 198–99.
56. Nalle, “Inquisitors,” p. 584.
57. Reguera, p. 57.
58. The rest of this chapter contains some references to cash and coinage. The Inquisition papers tend to calculate coinage in the form of the maravedi, a minute copper coin. To avoid absurd figures running into millions, I have converted all maravedis into ducats (375 maravedis equalled 1 ducat), a coin used in the sixteenth century in Castile. On confiscations, see Henry Kamen, “Confiscations in the Economy of the Spanish Inquisition,” EconHR 18, 3 (1965).
59. Hernando del Pulgar, Los claros varones de España, Madrid, 1747, p. 252.
60. Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, Annales de Sevilla, Madrid, 1677, p. 389.
61. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 196.
62. Cited by Amando Represa, “El m
iedo y la huida ante la Inquisición,” in Proyección histórica de España en sus tres culturas, Valladolid, 1993, I, 259–64.
63. Beinart 1974, I, 391.
64. Copy of petition by consellers to king, IMH, Consellers C.XVIII-6.
65. Thomas, La represión, p. 25.
66. Fidel Fita, “La Inquisición en Guadalupe,” BRAH 23 (1893), pp. 283–88.
67. Cf. Pilar Huerga, “La Hacienda de la Inquisición aragonesa durante el reinado de Fernando el Católico,” Jerónimo Zurita 63–64 (1991; publ. 1994).
68. Cf. Lea, II, 367, 371.
69. García Ivars, p. 221.
70. A total arrived at after consulting the voluminous papers in AHN Inq, legs. 4776–79.
71. Pedro Sanahuja, OFM, Lérida en sus luchas por la fe, Lleida, 1946, p. 162.
72. Azcona, p. 274.
73. Lea, II, 403.
74. Ladero 1984, p .40.
75. Ladero 1984, p. 41.
76. Historia, II, 909.
77. Lea, I, 329.
78. A “prebend” (from the late Latin praebenda) was a salary deriving from a church or cathedral; similarly, a canonry, mentioned below, was the income a member of the cathedral body drew from the cathedral.
79. Lea, I, 330.
80. To emperor, 25 Jan. 1547: AGS:E, leg. 75, f. 302.
81. M. Avilés, “Motivos de crítica,” in Nueva visión, p. 191.
82. AHN Inq, leg. 2700.
83. AHN Inq, leg. 2702.
84. AHN Inq, leg. 47601.
85. AHN Inq, leg. 47233.
86. Cited in J. Fernández Nieva, La Inquisición y los moriscos extremeños (1585–1610), Badajoz, 1979, p. 87.
87. For 1618, from García-Cárcel 1980, p. 177; for 1671–78, from AHN Inq, leg. 49941; for 1705, from AGS: Gracia y Justicia, leg. 622.
88. AHN Inq, leg. 47233.
89. AHN Inq, leg. 47233; Fernández Nieva, La Inquisición, p. 16.
90. “Memoria de los salarios que tienen,” AHN Inq, lib. 1232 ff. 205–9.
91. AHN Inq, leg. 47241, exped. 1.
92. Kamen, “Confiscations.”
93. AHN Inq, leg. 45972.
94. Lea, II, 433.
95. AHN Inq, leg. 47601; also M. I. Pérez de Colosia and J. Gil, Málaga y la Inquisición (1550–1600), no. 38 of Jábega, 1982, p. 13.