“In the second place, it was within these walls that our enemy shut himself and from which he was quite unwilling to come down into the plain and array himself against us, but by crafty wiles and baffling tricks, he ever flouted the Goths from day to day, and thus became, quite undeservedly, master of our possessions. Consequently it is worth while for us to make provision that we shall not have this same experience a second time. For when men who have once met with a reverse through ignorance fall into the same evil plight again without providing against the calamity which has already become familiar to them by experience, men believe what has befallen them to be no adversity of fortune, but in all likelihood a proof of the folly of the victims of the disaster. And one might add that the destruction of the walls of Rome will benefit you above all others. For you will not hereafter be shut in with others and excluded from all the necessaries of life while you suffer siege at the hands of the assailants of the city, but, on the contrary, the two armies will stake their chances in open battle against one another, while you, without perils on your part, will simply become the prize of the victors. In the third place, regarding the slaves who have put themselves under our protection, we shall say only this, that if, after they have taken their places in our ranks against our adversaries and have received from us the promise that we will never abandon them to their former masters, we should at the present juncture decide to put them into your hands, we shall have no right to be trusted by you either. For it is impossible — impossible, I say — for the man who makes light of his covenant with the most unfortunate of men to give evidence of a spirit that can be relied on in dealing with anyone else, but he always carries along with him his untrustworthiness, just as he does any other characteristic that reveals his true nature in all his dealings with other men.”
Thus spoke Totila; and Pelagius replied as follows: “Though you began, excellent Sir, by saying that you have the very greatest admiration not only for me, but also for the ambassadorial title, you have in fact assigned us to the very lowest grade of dishonour. Indeed I for my part think that he who really insults one who is both friend and ambassador is not the man who may strike him on the head or otherwise maltreat him, but rather he who decides to allow his visitor to depart with his mission unaccomplished. For it is not with the purpose of achieving any honour at the hands of those who receive them that men are accustomed to submit to the labours of an embassy, but in order that they may return with some good accomplished to those who have sent them. Consequently, it will be more favourable to their purpose to have been treated with wanton contempt and still have accomplished some of the objects for which they came, than, after hearing more courteous words, to return disappointed in their hope. Turning now to the present situation, I know not what plea I ought to make concerning those things which you yourself have mentioned. For why should one importune him who had refused an agreement before hearing the plea? This, however, I could not leave unsaid, that it is clear what measure of kindness you are purposing to display toward the Romans who have taken up arms against you, seeing that, with regard to the Sicilians, you have determined to vent your enmity upon them without mercy, though they have in no way opposed you. But as for me, I shall give over my petition to you and refer my mission to God, who is accustomed to send retribution upon those who scorn the prayers of suppliants.”
XVII
WITH such words Pelagius departed. And when the Romans saw him returning unsuccessful, they fell into a state of helpless despair. For the famine, becoming still more acute, was working terrible havoc among them from day to day. The soldiers, however, had not yet exhausted their supplies, but they could still hold out. The Romans therefore gathered in a throng and came before Bessas and Conon, the commanders of the emperor’s army; there with weeping and loud lamentation they spoke to them as follows: “The fate, Generals, which we see to be upon us at the present time is such that, if we actually had the power to commit some unholy deed against you, such a crime would have brought upon us no reproach. For the overwhelming constraint of necessity furnishes of itself a sufficient defence. But now, seeing that our strength cannot suffice for our defence, we have resorted to words and have come before you to make our position clear and to lament over our misfortune; and do you hear us with forbearance, not being stirred up by the boldness of our words, but judging it with due regard to the acuteness of our suffering. For he who has been compelled to despair of safety can no longer control his actions — no, nor his words — so as to preserve decorum. As for us, Generals, do not consider us to be either Romans or fellow-countrymen of yours, or even to have assimilated our ways of government to yours, and do not suppose that in the beginning we received the emperor’s army into the city willingly, but regard us as enemies from the first and as men who have taken up arms against you, and later, when defeated in battle, have become your captive slaves simply in accordance with the customs of war. And do you furnish sustenance to these your captives, if not in quantities sufficient for our needs, at least in such measure as to make life possible, that by your so doing we too may survive and render you such service in return as it is fitting that slaves should render their masters. But if you find this difficult or contrary to your wish, then at least consent to release us from your hands, by which action you will gain this advantage that you will not be troubled by the burial of your slaves. And if even this favour is not left us, deign to put us to death and do not deprive us of an honourable end nor begrudge us death, which to us is the sweetest of all things, but by a single act free the Romans from ten thousand troubles.” When Bessas and his officers heard this, they asserted, firstly, that to furnish them with provisions was impossible, secondly, that to put them to death would be unholy, and, thirdly, that even to release them was not without danger. But they insisted that Belisarius with the army from Byzantium would arrive right speedily, and after thus consoling them sent them away.
But the famine, becoming more severe as time went on, was greatly increasing its ravages, driving men to discover monstrous foods unknown to the natural desires of man. Now at first, since Bessas and Conon, who commanded the garrison in Rome, had, as it happened, stored away a vast supply of grain for their own use within the wails of Rome, they as well as the soldiers were constantly taking from the portion assigned for their own needs and selling at a great price to such Romans as were rich; for the price of a bushel had reached seven gold pieces. Those however, whose domestic circumstances were such that they were unable to partake of food which was so much dearer, were able, by paying in cash one fourth of this price, to get their bushel measures filled with bran; this was their food and necessity made it most sweet and dainty to their taste. As for beef, whenever the bodyguards of Bessas captured an ox in making a sally, they sold it for fifty gold pieces. And if any man had a horse or any other animal which had died, this Roman was counted among those exceedingly fortunate, seeing that he was able to live luxuriously upon the flesh of a dead animal. But all the rest of the numerous inhabitants were eating nettles only, such as grow in abundance about the walls and among the ruins in all parts of the city. And in order to prevent the pungent herb from stinging their lips and throat they boiled them thoroughly before eating.
So long, then, as the Romans had their gold currency, they bought their grain and bran in the manner described and went their way; but when their supply of this had at length failed, then they brought all their household goods to the forum and exchanged them for their daily sustenance. But when, finally, the soldiers of the emperor had no grain which they could possibly sell to the Romans (except, indeed, that Bessas still had a little left), nor had the Romans anything with which to buy, they all turned to the nettles. But this food was insufficient for them, for it was utterly impossible to satisfy themselves with it, and consequently their flesh withered away almost entirely, while their colour, gradually turning to a livid hue, gave them a most ghostly appearance. And it happened to many that, even as they walked along chewing the nettles with their
teeth, death came suddenly upon them and they fell to the ground. And now they were even beginning to eat each other’s dung. There were many too, who, because of the pressure of the famine, destroyed themselves with their own hands; for they could no longer find either dogs or mice or any dead animal of any kind on which to feed.
Now there was a Roman in the city, the father of five children; and they gathered about him and, laying hold of his garment, kept demanding food. But he, without a word of lament and without letting it be seen that he was sorely troubled, but most steadfastly concealing all his suffering in his mind, bade the children follow him as if for the purpose of getting food. But when he came to the bridge over the Tiber, he tied his cloak over his face, thus concealing his eyes, and leaped from the bridge into the waters of the Tiber, the deed being witnessed both by his children and by all the Romans who were there.
From that time on the imperial commanders, upon receiving further money, released such of the Romans as desired to depart from the city. And only a few were left in the city; for all the rest made their escape by flight in whatever manner proved possible for each one. But the most of these, since their strength had been utterly wasted away by the famine, perished as soon as they had begun their journey, whether by water or by land. Many too were caught on the road by the enemy and destroyed. To such a pass had come the fortune of the senate and people of Rome.
XVIII
WHEN the army under John and Isaac had reached Epidamnus and joined Belisarius, John, on the one hand, urged that they ferry all the troops across the gulf and proceed by land with the whole army, meeting together whatever opposition might develop against them; but Belisarius, on the other hand, considered this plan inexpedient, and thought that more was to be gained by sailing to the neighbourhood of Rome; for in going by land they would consume a longer time, and would perhaps be confronted by some obstacle; John meanwhile was to march through the territory of the Calabrians and the other peoples of that region, drive out the few barbarians who were there, and, after reducing to submission the territory south of the Ionian Gulf, march to the neighbourhood of Rome and rejoin his friends; it was here, indeed, that Belisarius purposed to land with the rest of the army. For he thought that, since the Romans were suffering most cruelly in the siege, even the smallest delay would, in all probability, bring disaster to their cause. And if they went by sea and met with a favouring wind, it would be possible to land at the harbour of Rome on the fifth day, while an army marching by land from Dryus could not reach Rome even within forty days.
So Belisarius gave these directions to John and set sail from there with his whole fleet; but a violent wind fell upon them, and they put in at Dryus. And when the Goths who had been stationed there to besiege the fortress saw this fleet, they abandoned the siege and straightway betook themselves to the neighbourhood of Brundisium, a city two days’ journey distant from Dryus, situated on the coast of the gulf and without walls; for they supposed that Belisarius would immediately pass through the strait at Dryus; and they reported their situation to Totila. He, for his part, put his own army in readiness to oppose Belisarius and commanded the Goths in Calabria to keep the passes under guard as best they could.
But when Belisarius, finding a favourable wind, sailed away from Dryus, the Goths in Calabria thought no more of him and began to conduct themselves carelessly, while Totila was content to remain quiet and to guard still more closely the approaches to Rome, so that it might be impossible to bring any kind of provisions into the city. And he devised the following structure on the Tiber. Observing a place where the river flows in a very narrow channel, about ninety stades distant from the city, he placed very long timbers, reaching from one bank to the other, so as to form a bridge at that point. Then he constructed two wooden towers, one on either bank, and placed in each one a garrison of warlike men, so that it might be no longer possible for boats of any kind whatever to make their way up from Portus and so enter the city.
Meanwhile Belisarius, on his part, landed at the harbour of Rome, while John with his army was remaining where he was. Then John ferried his force over to Calabria, quite unobserved by the Goths, who, as stated above, were waiting in the neighbourhood of Brundisium. And he captured two of the enemy who were going out as scouts, one of whom he killed immediately; but the other laid hold of his knees and begged to be made a prisoner. “For,” he said, “I shall not be useless to you and the Roman army.” And when John asked him what advantage he could possibly confer upon the Romans and him if he was not destroyed, the man promised to enable him to fall upon the Goths while they had not the least expectation of such a thing. Then John said that his prayer should not fail to be heard, but first he must shew him the pastures of their horses. This too the barbarian agreed to do and so he went with him. And first, upon finding the enemy’s horses pasturing, all the men who happened to be on foot leaped upon their backs; and there was a large number of such men comprising some of the best troops. Next they advanced at full speed upon the camp of their opponents. And the barbarians, being unarmed and utterly unprepared, and terror-stricken by the suddenness of the attack, were most of them destroyed where they stood, utterly forgetful of their valour, and only a small number succeeded in escaping and made their way to Totila.
Then John began to console and pacify all the Calabrians, endeavouring to win them to loyalty to the emperor and promising that they would receive many benefits both from the emperor and from the Roman army. Then, departing as quickly as he could from Brundisium, he captured a city, Canusium by name, which is situated approximately at the centre of Apulia and is distant from Brundisium five days’ journey as one goes westward toward Rome. Twenty five stades away from this city of Canusium is Cannae, where they say the Romans in early times suffered their great disaster at the hand of Hannibal, the general of the Libyans. [216 B.C.]
In that city a certain Tullianus, son of Venantius, a Roman who possessed great power among the Brutii and Lucani, came before John and made charges against the emperor’s army for the treatment they had previously meted out to the Italians, but he agreed that, if the army thereafter should treat them with some degree of consideration, he would hand over Bruttium and Lucania to the Romans, to be again subject and tributary to the emperor no less truly than they had been before. For it was not, he said, by their own will that they had yielded to men who were both barbarians and Arians, but because they had been placed under most dire constraint by their opponents, and had also been treated with injustice by the emperor’s soldiers. And upon John’s declaration that thereafter the Italians would receive every blessing from the army, Tullianus went with him. Consequently the soldiers no longer entertained any suspicion as regards the Italians, but the most of the territory south of the Ionian Gulf had become friendly to them and subject to the emperor.
But when Totila heard this, he selected three hundred of the Goths and sent them to Capua. These men he instructed that, whenever they saw the army of John marching thence toward Rome, they should simply follow him without drawing attention to themselves; for he himself would attend to the rest. In consequence of this John became afraid that he would fall into some trap and be surrounded by the enemy, and so discontinued his movement to join Belisarius, and instead marched into the territory of the Bruttii and Lucani.
Now there was a certain Rhecimundus among the Goths, a man of note whom Totila had appointed to keep guard over Bruttium; he had under him some of the Goths as well as Roman soldiers and Moors who had deserted, and his instructions were to guard with these troops the Strait of Scylla and the adjoining coast, so that no one might be able fearlessly to set sail from there for Sicily nor to land there from the island. This army was surprised by John, whose presence had not been reported to them; and he fell upon them at a point between Rhegium and Vevon, threw them into consternation by a sudden attack, utterly heedless as they were of their valour, and turned them immediately to flight. And they sought refuge by fleeing to the mountain which rises near by, a diffi
cult one to climb and generally precipitous; but John pursued them and reached the steep slopes along with the enemy, and thus, before they had as yet secured their position on the rough mountain-side, he engaged with them and killed many of the Moors and Roman soldiers, though they offered a most vigorous resistance, and captured by surrender Rhecimundus and the Goths together with all who remained.
After accomplishing this feat, John still continued to remain where he was, while Belisarius, constantly expecting John, remained inactive. And Belisarius kept reproaching him because he would not take the risk of meeting in battle the force on guard at Capua, only three hundred in number, and endeavour to make his way through, in spite of the fact that he had barbarians under his command who were men selected for their valour. But John abandoned that plan, and proceeded to a place in Apulia, called Cervarium, where he remained in idleness.
XIX
BELISARIUS, therefore, dreading that the besieged would do something desperate because of the lack of provisions, began to make plans to convey his supplies into Rome by some means or other. And since he plainly had no force sufficient to pit against the enemy, so that he could fight a decisive battle with them in the plain, he first arranged the following plan. He chose two skiffs of very unusual breadth and, after fastening them together and lashing them very firmly to one another, constructed a wooden tower upon them, making it much higher than those made by the enemy at their bridge. For he had previously had them accurately measured by sending some of his men, who, as it was made to appear, were going over to the barbarians as deserters. Next he built wooden walls upon two hundred swift-sailing boats and launched them in the Tiber, having caused openings to be made in all parts of the wooden walls, in order that his men might be able to shoot at the enemy through them. Finally he loaded grain and many other kinds of provisions on these boats and manned them with his most warlike soldiers. He also stationed other troops, both infantry and cavalry, on either side of the river in certain strong positions near the mouth of the Tiber, commanding them to remain at their posts and, if any of the enemy should threaten Portus, to prevent them with all their strength. But he stationed Isaac inside Portus, and it was to him that he entrusted both the city and his wife and whatever else he happened to possess there. And he directed him in no circumstances to go away from the city, not even if he learned that Belisarius had perished at the hand of the enemy, but to maintain a close and constant guard, so that, if any reverse should befall the Romans, they might have a place where they could take refuge and save themselves. For they held no other stronghold at all in that region, but the whole country in every direction was hostile to them.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 70