Delphi Complete Works of Procopius
Page 123
Without further knowledge it does not seem proper to adopt any one of these interpretations to the exclusion of the others. There happens to be evidence (unknown to Rodenwaldt) that at least on one occasion, half a century previously, an “Achilles costume” was actually worn, in rather unusual circumstances. The usurper Basiliscus, who reigned as Emperor for twenty months in A.D. 475-476, was persuaded by his wife the Augusta Zenonis to give preferment and high office to her lover Armatus, a young fop who was the Emperor’s nephew. A historian of the time tells how this advancement elated the young man beyond all measure, so that he imagined himself to be a man of valour and rode about in the costume of Achilles. This episode may or may not be taken to shew that the “costume of Achilles” was considered to be specifically an imperial dress; it is to be noted that the word used to describe it is σκευή, “dress,” and not σχῆμα as in the case of Justinian. The incident certainly indicates that the costume was thought to be especially appropriate to a brave commander; our knowledge does not seem sufficient, however, to permit us to find in the episode a definitive explanation of Justinian’s appearance in this manner in the statue.
The origin of the costume, the characteristic part of which seems to be the headdress, is not clear, though further evidence on this point may eventually come to light. The evidence that an “Achilles costume” was worn by Armatus helps to eliminate a difficulty which Rodenwaldt encountered in this connection. The elder Pliny (Nat. Hist., XXXIV.) states that “nude statues holding a spear, modelled after young men in the gymnasia, were called Achillean.” Rodenwaldt thought it necessary to suppose that the term “Achillean” indicated that there was some connection between the nude statues described by Pliny and the armed costume described by Procopius, but he had to admit that it is difficult to see precisely what such a connection might be. The episode of Armatus now indicates that the passage in Pliny has nothing to do with the matter, and that the origin of the costume is to be sought elsewhere.
APPENDIX II
A valuable review of the original edition of this volume was published by D. S. Robertson, Classical Review, LV (1941), p–84 (cited here as “Robertson”). A number of the corrections and improvements suggested by Robertson are discussed below; but examination of all of the emendations proposed by him would go beyond the scope of the present Appendix.
P. ix, n. 1. Bury’s History of the Later Roman Empire has been reprinted by Dover Publications, New York, 1958.
Pp. ix–xv. For further studies of the composition of the Buildings, see G. Downey, “The Composition of Procopius, De aediftciis,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, LXXVIII (1947), p–183; idem, “Notes on Procopius, De aedificiis, Book I,” Studies Presented to D. M. Robinson on his Seventieth Birthday, II (St. Louis, 1953), p–725.
P. xiv. On the work of the “master-builders,’’ see G. Downey, “Byzantine Architects: Their Training and Methods,” Byzantion, XVIII (1946–48), p–118.
P. xvi. For a further study of some of the architectural terms discussed here, see G. Downey, “On Some Post-Classical Greek Architectural Terms,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, LXXVII (1946), p–34.
P. xix. Professor Conant’s study was published in the Bulletin of the Byzantine Institute, I (1946), p–78.
P. 7. With Procopius’ observations on Cyrus, compare Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine, 1, 7.
P. 9. On the topography and monuments of Constantinople, and Justinian’s buildings there, see now the two volumes of R. Janin, Constantinople byzantine (Paris, 1950), and Les églises et les monastères (in: La géographic ecclésiastique de l’empire byzantin. Iere partie, Le siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecuménique, tome III, Paris, 1953). On the latter volume, see the review by G. Downey, Speculum, XXVIII (1953), p–899. On Justinian’s building programme, see G. Downey, “Justinian as a Builder,” Art Bulletin, XXXII (1950), p–266.
P. 11. On the meaning of the word Sophia in the name of the church, see G. Downey, “The Name of the Church of St. Sophia in Constantinople,” Harvard Theological Review, LII (1959), p–41.
P. 11, lines 10–11. Robertson (p–80) points out that a more accurate translation would be “giving it a designation most appropriate to God.”
P. 21, § 44. On the description of the pendentives, see the comment of Robertson, .
P. 21, § 46. It should be noted that the reading of the MSS., σειρᾷ meaning “suspended from heaven with the golden chain,” is a reminiscence of Iliad, VIII, 19.
P. 24, n. 1. On the use of cramps and lead, see also Diodorus Siculus, II, 8. 2.
P. 29. See K. J. Conant, “The First Dome of St. Sophia and its Rebuilding,” Bulletin of the Byzantine Institute, I (1946), p–78.
P. 31, n. 1. On the meaning of pessoi, see Robertson, pp.79–80.
P. 37, § 19. As Robertson points out () the meaning might be “my whole lifetime,” rather than “the whole span of eternity.’’
P. 39, n. 1. Reference should be made to the description of the Blachernae, below, I, vi, 3.
P. 41, § 8. On the phrase “in beauty and in size,” see W. J. Verdenius “κάλλος καὶ μέγεθος,” Mnemosyne, ser. 4, vol. II (1949), p–298.
P. 43, § 12. Robertson points out () that the meaning is, “For God, having chosen his own manner of becoming man . . .” (that is, by birth from the Virgin Mary).
P. 45, § 3. It has been suggested by G. Downey, Classical Philology, XLIII (1948), p–45, that the words ἔπειτα through παρακείμενον (“and then also another shrine which stood at an angle to this one”) are to be deleted as the addition of a scribe. For further study of the passage see A. Frolow, Byzantinoslavica, X (1949), p–132.
P. 51, § 14. This may be translated more accurately, “That portion of the roof which is above the sanctuary, as it is called, is built to resemble the Church of Sophia — in the centre at any rate — except that it is inferior to it in size.”
P. 53, n. 1. See G. Downey, “The Builder of the Original Church of the Apostles at Constantinople,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VI (1951), p–80, and J. Vogt, “Der Erbauer der Apostelkirche in Konstantinopel,” Hermes, LXXXI (1953), p — 117.
P. 53, § 21. “Masons” is a more accurate translation than “workmen.” On the clearing of a site preparatory to building a church, see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, X, iv, 60; see also his Life of Constantine, III, 27.
P. 59. See P. Ulyott and O. Ilgaz, “The Hydrography of the Bosporus: An Introduction,’’ Geographical Review, XXXVI (1946), p–66.
P. 63, § 5. On this church of Sts. Cosmas and Damian, see L. Deubner, Kosmas und Damian (Leipzig, 1907), , n. 2.
P. 73, § 10. The text, as Robertson points out (p–82), appears to be defective. The meaning seems to be that the court in front of the church was constructed with variegated marbles which in their colour resembled both ripe fruits and snow.
P–127. Robertson observes () that the paragraph division should be between § 6 and § 7, rather than between § 7 and § 8. § 7 means “And I can give further proof that Persian territory surrounds the place on every side.”
P. 149, §§ 8 ff. Excavations at Zenobia have shown that the account of Procopius is surprisingly accurate; see J. Lauffray, Annates archéologiques de Syrie, I (1951), p ff.
P. 151, § 11. As Robertson notes () the meaning is “detachments of soldiers” rather than “select troops.”
P. 155, § 24. A Frolow, Revue des études slaves, XXV (1949), , with note 4, takes this passage to mean, not that Justinian erected churches and barracks, but that he built “temples” for the military insignia. However, it may not seem altogether certain that this interpretation is in keeping with the context.
P. 157, § 3. On Sergiopolis and the cult of St. Sergius, see A. Poidebard and R. Mouterde, “A propos de S. Serge,” Analecta Bollandiana, LXVII (1949), p–116.
P. 164, n. 1. See Byzantion, XIV (1939), p–378. For the history of Antioch in the time of Justi
nian, see G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria (to be published by the Princeton University Press, 1961).
P. 172, n. 1. For the inscriptions of Chalcis, see also L. Jalabert and R. Mouterde, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, II, nos. 348–349.
P. 173, § 2. See E. Frézouls, “Recherches sur la ville de Cyrrhus,” Annales archéologiques de Syrie, IV–V (1954–55), p, 116.
P. 175, § 4. On this church of Sts. Cosmas and Damian, see L. Deubner, Kosmas und Damian (Leipzig, 1907), .
P. 177, § 10. On Justinian’s work at Palmyra, see H. Seyrig, “Antiquités syriennes,” Syria, XXVII (1950), .
P. 199, § 15. As Robertson observes (), the text as it stands means “There was a certain town in what was once called Lesser Armenia...” On the basis of Wars, I, xvii, 21, Robertson proposes to emend the text thus: ἐν τοῖς Ἀρμενίοις τὸ παλαιὸν [less-than]μὲν Λευκοσόροις, νῦν δὲ> μικροῖς καλουμένοις . . . This improves the passage but it does not seem an indispensable change. See A. H. Krappe, “The Leucosyrians,” Armenian Quarterly, I (1946), p–107.
P. 205, n. 1. On the Lazi and the Tzani, see G. Moravcsik, “Byzantine Christianity and the Migrating Magyars,” American Slavic Review, V (1946), .
P. 217, § 12. As Robertson notes () the meaning is “which has been barbarized for a long time.”
P. 225, n. 2. On tetrapyrgia in Syria, see A. Poidebard and R. Mouterde, “A propos de S. Serge,” Analecta Bollandiana, LXVII (1949), p–116.
P. 225, n. 3. See A. Grabar, “Les monuments de Tsaritchin Grad et Justiniana Prima,” Cahiers archéologiques, III (1948), p–63; C. A. R. Radford, “Justiniana Prima (Tsaritsin Grad): A Sixth Century City in Southern Serbia,” Antiquity, XXVIII (1954), p–18.
P. 250 ff. See L. W. Daly, “Echinos and Justinian’s Fortifications in Greece,” American Journal of Archaeology, XLVI (1942), p–508.
P. 285, n. 3. On this road, see R. Demangel, Contribution à la topographie de l’Hebdomon (Paris, 1945), .
P. 297, § 16. On the palace, see P. Franchi de’ Cavalieri, Note agiografiche, No. 9 (1953), , n. 1 (Studi e Testi, No. 175).
P. 317. On the Church of St. John at Ephesus, see the Forschungen in Ephesos of the Austrian Archaeological Institute, vol. IV, pt. 3, Die Johanneskirche (1951).
P. 321, § 16. Robertson notes () that the meaning is not “go straightway about their business,” but “return to their own countries.”
P. 340, § 20. For an inscription recording the construction of an earlier bridge, see H. Grégoire, “Inscriptions historiques byzantines,” Byzantion, IV, (1927/8), p–468.
P. 343. In the Life of Sabas by Cyril of Scythopolis (§ 73, ed. E. Schwartz, Texte und Untersuchungen, XLIX, pt. 2, 1939) it is recorded that a μηχανικός named Theodoros was sent by Justinian to Jerusalem to build the new Church of the Virgin.
P. 365, § 11. Robertson observes () that the meaning is not “the only religion which is called by the name of Libya,” but “the only religion which is still called by the bare name of Libya.”
P. 367, n. 5. See R. G. Goodchild, “Boreum of Cyrenaica,” Journal of Roman Studies, XLI (1951), p–16.
P–398. See G. Downey, “Justinian as Achilles,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, LXXI (1940), p–77; Phyllis W. Lehmann, “Theodosius or Justinian? A Renaissance Drawing of a Byzantine Rider,” Art Bulletin, XLI (1959), p–57; also the comments of C. A. Mango, ibid., p–356.
The Greek Texts
St. George’s Cathedral, Beirut — the edifice sits on the axis of Beirut’s ancient Cardo Maximus. A law school, believed by some to have been attended by Procopius, was located next to the Byzantine Anastasis church, a precursor of the cathedral.
LIST OF GREEK TEXTS
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CONTENTS
The Wars of Justinian
BOOK I.
BOOK II.
BOOK III.
BOOK IV.
BOOK V.
BOOK VI.
BOOK VII.
BOOK VIII.
Secret History
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X
XI
XII
XIII
XIV
XV
XVI
XVII
XVIII
XIX
XX
XXI
XXII
XXIII
XXIV
XXV
XXVI
XXVII
XXVIII
XXIX
XXX
The Buildings of Justinian
BOOK I.
BOOK II.
BOOK III.
BOOK IV.
BOOK V.
BOOK VI.
Source texts:
Procopius. H. B. (Henry Bronson) Dewing. William Heinemann; The Macmillan Co.; Harvard University Press. London; New York; Cambridge, MA. 1914-1928. With thanks to the Pegasus Digital Library.
Procopii Caesariensis Opera Omnia, Vol 5. Procopius. Michael Krascheninnikov. Mattiesen. Jurievi. 1899. With thanks to the Pegasus Digital Library.
The Wars of Justinian
BOOK I.
Προκόπιος Καισαρεὺς τοὺς πολέμους ξυνέγραψεν οὓς Ἰουστινιανὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς πρὸς βαρβάρους διήνεγκε τούς τε ἑῴους καὶ ἑσπερίους, ὥς πη αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι, ὡς μὴ ἔργα ὑπερμεγέθη ὁ μέγας αἰὼν λόγου ἔρημα χειρωσάμενος τῇ τε λήθῃ αὐτὰ καταπρόηται καὶ παντάπασιν ἐξίτηλα θῆται, ὧνπερ τὴν μνήμην αὐτὸς ᾤετο μέγα τι ἔσεσθαι καὶ ξυνοῖσον ἐς τὰ μάλιστα τοῖς τε νῦν οὖσι καὶ τοῖς ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα γενησομένοις, εἴ ποτε καὶ αὖθις ὁ χρόνος ἐς ὁμοίαν τινὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀνάγκην διάθοιτο. [2] τοῖς τε γὰρ πολεμησείουσι καὶ ἄλλως ἀγωνιουμένοις ὄνησίν τινα ἐκπορίζεσθαι οἵα τέ ἐστιν ἡ τῆς ἐμφεροῦς ἱστορίας ἐπίδειξις, ἀποκαλύπτουσα μὲν ὅποι ποτὲ τοῖς προγεγενημένοις τὰ τῆς ὁμοίας ἀγωνίας ἐχώρησεν, αἰνισσομένη δὲ ὁποίαν τινὰ τελευτὴν τοῖς γε ὡς ἄριστα βουλευομένοις τὰ παρόντα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἕξει. [3] καί οἱ αὐτῷ ξυνηπίστατο πάντων μάλιστα δυνατὸς ὢν τάδε ξυγγράψαι κατ̓ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ὅτι δὲ αὐτῷ ξυμβούλῳ ᾑρημένῳ Βελισαρίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ σχεδόν τι ἅπασι παραγενέσθαι τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ξυνέπεσε. [4] πρέπειν τε ἡγεῖτο ῥητορικῇ μὲν δεινότητα, ποιητικῇ δὲ μυθοποιΐαν, [5] ξυγγραφῇ δὲ ἀλήθειαν. ταῦτά τοι οὐδέ του τῶν οἱ ἐς ἄγαν ἐπιτηδείων τὰ μοχθηρὰ ἀπεκρύψατο, ἀλλὰ τὰ πᾶσι ξυνενεχθέντα ἕκαστα ἀκριβολογούμενος ξυνεγράψατο, εἴτε εὖ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ αὐτοῖς εἰργάσθαι ξυνέβη. [6] Κρεῖσσον δὲ οὐδὲν ἢ ἰσχυρότερον τῶν ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς πολέμοις τετυχηκότων τῷ γε ὡς ἀληθῶς τεκμηριοῦσθαι βουλομένῳ φανήσεται. [7] πέπρακται γὰρ ἐν τούτοις μάλιστα πάντων ὧν ἀκοῇ ἴσμεν: θαυμαστ
ὰ οἷα, ἢν μή τις τῶν τάδε ἀναλεγομένων τῷ παλαιῷ χρόνῳ τὰ πρεσβεῖα διδοίη καὶ τὰ καθ̓ αὑτὸν οὐκ ἀξιοίη θαυμαστὰ οἴεσθαι. [8] ὥσπερ οὖν ἀμέλει τοὺς μὲν νῦν στρατευομένους ἔνιοι καλοῦσι τοξότας, ἀγχεμάχους δὲ καὶ ἀσπιδιώτας καὶ τοιαῦτα ἄττα ὀνόματα τοῖς παλαιοτάτοις ἐθέλουσι νέμειν, ταύτην τε τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐς τοῦτον ἐληλυθέναι τὸν χρόνον ἥκιστα οἴονται, ἀταλαίπωρόν γε καὶ τῆς πείρας ἀπωτάτω τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν ποιούμενοι δόξαν. [9] οὐ γάρ τις πώποτε αὐτοῖς ἔννοια γέγονεν ὅτι δὴ τοῖς μὲν παῤ Ὁμήρῳ τοξεύουσιν, οἷσπερ καὶ ὑβρίζεσθαι ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης ὀνομαζομένοις ξυνέβαινεν, οὐχ ἵππος ὑπῆν, οὐ δόρυ, οὐκ ἀσπὶς ἤμυνεν, οὐκ ἄλλο οὐδὲν τοῦ σώματος φυλακτήριον ἦν, ἀλλὰ πεζοὶ μὲν ἐς μάχην ᾔεσαν, ἀποκεκρύφθαι δὲ αὐτοῖς ἦν ἀναγκαῖον, ἑταίρου του ἐκλεγομένοις ἀσπίδα ἢ στήλῃ ἐπὶ τύμβῳ τινὶ κεκλιμένοις, [10] ἔνθα οὔτε τρεπόμενοι διασώζεσθαι οὔτε φεύγουσι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπιτίθεσθαι οἷοί τε ἦσαν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς διαμάχεσθαι, ἀλλά τι κλέπτειν ἐδόκουν ἀεὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ γινομένων. [11] ἄνευ δὲ τούτων οὕτως ἀταλαιπώρως ἐχρῶντο τῇ τέχνῃ, ὥστε πελάσαντες τῷ σφετέρῳ μαζῷ τὴν νευρὰν εἶτα τὸ βέλος ἀφίεσαν κωφόν τε καὶ οὐτιδανὸν εἰκότως τοῖς δεχομένοις ἐσόμενον. τοιαύτη μέν τις οὖσα ἡ τοξεία φαίνεται πρότερον. [12] οἱ δέ γε τανῦν τοξόται ἴασι μὲν ἐς μάχην τεθωρακισμένοι τε καὶ κνημῖδας ἐναρμοσάμενοι μέχρι ἐς γόνυ. ἤρτηται δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς δεξιᾶς πλευρᾶς τὰ βέλη, [13] ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας τὸ ξίφος. εἰσὶ δὲ οἷς καὶ δόρυ προσαποκρέμαται καὶ βραχεῖά τις ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων ἀσπὶς ὀχάνου χωρίς, οἵα τά τε ἀμφὶ τὸ πρόσωπον καὶ τὸν αὐχένα ἐπικαλύπτειν. [14] ἱππεύονται δὲ ὡς ἄριστα καὶ θέοντος αὐτοῖς ὡς τάχιστα τοῦ ἵππου τὰ τόξα τε οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐντείνειν οἷοί τέ εἰσιν ἐφ̓ ἑκάτερα καὶ διώκοντάς τε βάλλειν τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ φεύγοντας. [15] ἕλκεται δὲ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸ μέτωπον ἡ νευρὰ παῤ αὐτὸ μάλιστα τῶν ὤτων τὸ δεξιόν, τοσαύτης ἀλκῆς ἐμπιπλᾶσα τὸ βέλος, ὥστε τὸν ἀεὶ παραπίπτοντα κτείνειν, οὔτε ἀσπίδος ἴσως οὔτε θώρακος ἀποκρούεσθαί τι δυναμένου τῆς ῥύμης. [16] εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ τούτων ἥκιστα ἐνθυμούμενοι σέβονται μὲν καὶ τεθήπασι τὸν παλαιὸν χρόνον, οὐδὲν δὲ ταῖς ἐπιτεχνήσεσι διδόασι πλέον. ἀλλὰ τούτων οὐδὲν κωλύσει μὴ οὐχὶ μέγιστά τε καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς πολέμοις ξυμβῆναι. [17] λελέξεται δὲ πρῶτον ἀρξαμένοις μικρὸν ἄνωθεν ὅσα Ῥωμαίοις ξυνηνέχθη καὶ Μήδοις πολεμοῦσι παθεῖν τε καὶ δρᾶσαι.