[504 A.D.] Thus the Romans by giving the money recovered Amida two years after it had been captured by the enemy. And when they got into the city, their own negligence and the hardships under which the Persians had maintained themselves were discovered. For upon reckoning the amount of grain left there and the number of barbarians who had gone out, they found that rations for about seven days were left in the city, although Glones and his son had been for a long time doling out provisions to the Persians more sparingly than they were needed. For to the Romans who had remained with them in the city, as I have stated above, they had decided to dispense nothing at all from the time when their enemy began the siege; and so these men at first resorted to unaccustomed foods and laid hold on every forbidden thing, and at the last they even tasted each other’s blood. So the generals realized that they had been deceived by the barbarians, and they reproached the soldiers for their lack of self-control, because they had shewn themselves wanting in obedience to them, when it was possible to capture as prisoners of war such a multitude of Persians and the son of Glones and the city itself, while they had in consequence attached to themselves signal disgrace by carrying Roman money to the enemy, and had taken Amida from the Persians by purchasing it with silver. [506 A.D.] After this the Persians, since their war with the Huns kept dragging on, entered into a treaty with the Romans, which was arranged by them for seven years, and was made by the Roman Celer and the Persian Aspebedes; both armies then retired homeward and remained at peace. Thus, then, as has been told, began the war of the Romans and the Persians, and to this end did it come. But I shall now turn to the narration of the events touching the Caspian Gates.
Τὸ Κιλίκων ὄρος ὁ Ταῦρος ἀμείβει μὲν τὰ πρῶτα Καππαδόκας τε καὶ Ἀρμενίους καὶ τῶν Περσαρμενίων καλουμένων τὴν γῆν, ἔτι μέντοι Ἀλβανούς τε καὶ Ἴβηρας, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔθνη αὐτόνομά τε καὶ Πέρσαις κατήκοα ταύτῃ ᾤκηνται. [2] ἐξικνεῖται γὰρ ἐς χώραν πολλήν, προϊόντι δὲ ἀεὶ τὸ ὄρος τοῦτο ἐς μέγα τι χρῆμα εὔρους τε καὶ ὕψους διήκει. [3] ὑπερβάντι δὲ τοὺς Ἰβήρων ὅρους ἀτραπός τίς ἐστιν ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ πολλῇ, ἐπὶ σταδίους πεντήκοντα ἐξικνουμένη. [4] αὕτη δὲ ἡ ἀτραπὸς ἐς ἀπότομόν τινα καὶ ὅλως ἄβατον τελευτᾷ χῶρον. δίοδος γὰρ οὐδεμία τὸ λοιπὸν φαίνεται, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ὥσπερ τινὰ χειροποίητον πυλίδα ἐνταῦθα ἡ φύσις ἐξεῦρεν, ἣ Κασπία ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐκλήθη. [5] τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε πεδία τέ ἐστιν ἱππήλατα καὶ ὑδάτων πολλῶν ἀτεχνῶς ἔμπλεα, καὶ χώρα πολλὴ ἱππόβοτός τε καὶ ἄλλως ὑπτία. [6] οὗ δὴ τὰ Οὔννων ἔθνη σχεδόν τι ἅπαντα ἵδρυται ἄχρι ἐς τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκοντα λίμνην. [7] οὗτοι ἢν μὲν διὰ τῆς πυλίδος ἧς ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην ἴωσιν ἐς τὰ Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἤθη, ἀκραιφνέσι τε τοῖς ἵπποις ἴασι καὶ περιόδῳ τινὶ οὐδαμῆ χρώμενοι οὐδὲ κρημνώδεσιν ἐντυχόντες χωρίοις, ὅτι μὴ τοῖς πεντήκοντα σταδίοις ἐκείνοις οἷσπερ εἰς τοὺς Ἰβηρίους ὅρους, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, διήκουσιν. [8] ἐπ̓ ἄλλας δέ τινας ἐξόδους ἰόντες πόνῳ τε πολλῷ παραγίνονται καὶ ἵπποις οὐκέτι χρῆσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔχοντες. περιόδους τε γὰρ αὐτοὺς περιιέναι πολλὰς ἐπάναγκες καὶ ταύτας κρημνώδεις. [9] ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ ὁ Φιλίππου Ἀλέξανδρος κατενόησε, πύλας τε ἐν χώρῳ ἐτεκτήνατο τῷ εἰρημένῳ καὶ φυλακτήριον κατεστήσατο. ὃ δὴ ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ προϊόντος χρόνου ἔσχον καὶ Ἀμβαζούκης, Οὖννος μὲν γένος, Ῥωμαίοις δὲ καὶ Ἀναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ φίλος. [10] οὗτος Ἀμβαζούκης, ἐπειδὴ ἔς τε γῆρας ἀφῖκτο βαθὺ καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Ἀναστάσιον, χρήματά οἱ δοθῆναι ᾔτει, ἐφ̓ ῳ τό τε φυλακτήριον καὶ πύλας τὰς Κασπίας ἐνδώσει Ῥωμαίοις. [11] βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἀναστάσιος ῾δρᾶν γὰρ ἀνεπισκέπτως οὐδὲν οὔτε ἠπίστατο οὔτε εἰώθεἰ λογισάμενος ὅτι οἱ στρατιώτας ἐνταῦθα ἐκτρέφειν ἀδύνατα ἦν ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ τε ἀγαθῶν ἁπάντων καὶ οὐδαμῆ ἐν γειτόνων ἔχοντι ἔθνος Ῥωμαίοις κατήκοον, χάριν μὲν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας πολλὴν ὡμολόγει, τὸ δὲ ἔργον τοῦτο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ προσίετο. [12] Ἀμβαζούκης μὲν οὖν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐτελεύτα νόσῳ, Καβάδης δὲ βιασάμενος τοὺς αὐτοῦ παῖδας τὰς πύλας ἔσχεν. [13] Ἀναστάσιός τε βασιλεύς, ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο αὐτῷ αἱ πρὸς Καβάδην σπονδαί, πόλιν ἐδείματο ἐν χωρίῳ Δάρας ὀχυράν τε ὑπερφυῶς καὶ λόγου ἀξίαν, αὐτοῦ βασιλέως ἐπώνυμον. [14] ἀπέχει δὲ αὕτη πόλεως μὲν Νισίβιδος σταδίους ἑκατὸν δυοῖν δέοντας, χώρας δὲ ἣ τὰ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν διορίζει ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι μάλιστα. [15] Πέρσαι δὲ κωλύειν τὴν οἰκοδομίαν σπουδὴν ἔχοντες οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυον ἀσχολίᾳ τῇ ἐς πόλεμον τὸν Οὐννικὸν πιεζόμενοι. [16] ἐπειδή τε αὐτὸν τάχιστα Καβάδης κατέλυσε, πέμψας παρὰ Ῥωμαίους ᾐτιᾶτο πόλιν αὐτοὺς οἰκοδομήσασθαι ἄγχιστά που τῶν σφετέρων ὁρίων, ἀπειρημένον τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς Μήδοις τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ξυγκειμένοις τὰ πρότερα. [17] τότε μὲν οὖν Ἀναστάσιος τὰ μὲν ἀπειλῶν, τὰ δὲ φιλίαν τε τὴν ἐς αὐτὸν προτεινόμενος καὶ χρήμασιν οὐ φαύλοις δωρούμενος, παρακρούεσθαί τε καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐκλύειν ἤθελε. [18] καὶ πόλιν δὲ ἄλλην ταύτῃ ὁμοίαν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος ἀγχοτάτω ἐδείματο τῶν Περσαρμενίας ὁρίων, ἣ κώμη μὲν ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, πόλεως δὲ ἀξίωμα μέχρι ἐς τὸ ὄνομα πρὸς Θεοδοσίου βασιλέως λαβοῦσα ἐπώνυμος αὐτοῦ ἐγεγόνει. [19] ἀλλ̓ Ἀναστάσιος τείχει αὐτὴν ὀχυρωτάτῳ περιβαλὼν πράγματα Πέρσαις οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἢ διὰ τῆς ἑτέρας παρέσχετο: ἐπιτειχίσματα γὰρ αὐτῶν τῇ χώρᾳ γέγονεν ἄμφω.
X
The Taurus mountain range of Cilicia passes first Cappadocia and Armenia and the land of the so-called Persarmenians, then also Albania and Iberia and all the other countries in this region, both independent and subject to Persia. For it extends to a great distance, and as one proceeds along this range, it always spreads out to an extraordinary breadth and rises to an imposing height. And as one passes beyond the boundary of Iberia there is a sort of path in a very narrow passage, extending for a distanc
e of fifty stades. This path terminates in a place cut off by cliffs and, as it seems, absolutely impossible to pass through. For from there no way out appears, except indeed a small gate set there by nature, just as if it had been made by the hand of man, which has been called from of old the Caspian Gates. From there on there are plains suitable for riding and extremely well watered, and extensive tracts used as pasture land for horses, and level besides. Here almost all the nations of the Huns are settled, extending as far as the Maeotic lake. Now if these Huns go through the gate which I have just mentioned into the land of the Persians and the Romans, they come with their horses fresh and without making any detour or encountering any precipitous places, except in those fifty stades over which, as has been said, they pass to the boundary of Iberia. If, however, they go by any other passes, they reach their destination with great difficulty, and can no longer use the same horses. For the detours which they are forced to make are many and steep besides. When this was observed by Alexander, the son of Philip, he constructed gates in the aforesaid place and established a fortress there. And this was held by many men in turn as time went on, and finally by Ambazouces, a Hun by birth, but a friend of the Romans and the Emperor Anastasius. Now when this Ambazouces had reached an advanced age and was near to death, he sent to Anastasius asking that money be given him, on condition that he hand over the fortress and the Caspian Gates to the Romans. But the Emperor Anastasius was incapable of doing anything without careful investigation, nor was it his custom to act thus: reasoning, therefore, that it was impossible for him to support soldiers in a place which was destitute of all good things, and which had nowhere in the neighbourhood a nation subject to the Romans, he expressed deep gratitude to the man for his good-will toward him, but by no means accepted this proposition. So Ambazouces died of disease not long afterwards, and Cabades overpowered his sons and took possession of the Gates.
The Emperor Anastasius, after concluding the treaty with Cabades, built a city in a place called Daras, exceedingly strong and of real importance, bearing the name of the emperor himself. Now this place is distant from the city of Nisibis one hundred stades lacking two, and from the boundary line which divides the Romans from the Persians about twenty-eight. And the Persians, though eager to prevent the building, were quite unable to do so, being constrained by the war with the Huns in which they were engaged. But as soon as Cabades brought this to an end, he sent to the Romans and accused them of having built a city hard by the Persian frontier, though this had been forbidden in the agreement previously made between the Medes and the Romans. At that time, therefore, the Emperor Anastasius desired, partly by threats, and partly by emphasizing his friendship with him and by bribing him with no mean sum of money, to deceive him and to remove the accusation. And another city also was built by this emperor, similar to the first, in Armenia, hard by the boundaries of Persarmenia; now in this place there had been a village from of old, but it had taken on the dignity of a city by the favour of the Emperor Theodosius even to the name, for it had come to be named after him. But Anastasius surrounded it with a very substantial wall, and thus gave offence to the Persians no less than by the other city; for both of them are strongholds menacing their country.
Ἀναστασίου δὲ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον τελευτήσαντος Ἰουστῖνος τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν, ἀπεληλαμένων αὐτῆς τῶν Ἀναστασίου ξυγγενῶν ἁπάντων, καίπερ πολλῶν τε καὶ λίαν ἐπιφανῶν ὄντων. [2] τότε δὴ μέριμνά τις Καβάδῃ ἐγένετο μή τι Πέρσαι νεωτερίσωσιν ἐς τὸν αὑτοῦ οἶκον, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα αὐτὸς τελευτήσῃ τὸν βίον, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ ἀντιλογίας χωρὶς ἐς τῶν παίδων τινὰ παραπέμψαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔμελλε. [3] τῶν γάρ οἱ παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον Καόσην τῆς μὲν ἡλικίας ἕνεκα ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ νόμος ἐκάλει, ἀλλὰ Καβάδην οὐδαμῆ ἤρεσκεν. ἐβιάζετο δὲ τήν τε φύσιν καὶ τὰ νόμιμα ἡ τοῦ πατρὸς γνώμη. [4] Ζάμην δέ, ὃς τὰ δευτερεῖα ἐφέρετο, τοῖν ὀφθαλμοῖν τὸν ἕτερον ἐκκεκομμένον ἐκώλυεν ὁ νόμος. ἑτερόφθαλμον γὰρ ἢ ἄλλῃ τινὶ λώβῃ ἐχόμενον οὐ θέμις Πέρσαις βασιλέα καθίστασθαι. [5] Χοσρόην δέ, ὃς αὐτῷ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσπεβέδου ἀδελφῆς ἐγεγόνει, ὑπερηγάπα μὲν ὁ πατήρ, ὁρῶν δὲ Πέρσας σχεδόν τι εἰπεῖν ἅπαντας τεθηπότας τὴν Ζάμου ἀνδρείαν ῾ἦν γὰρ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμιἀ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἀρετὴν σέβοντας, ἔδεισε μὴ Χοσρόῃ ἐπαναστάντες ἔργα ἀνήκεστα ἐς τὸ γένος καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐργάσωνται. [6] ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτῷ ἄριστον εἶναι τόν τε πόλεμον καὶ τὰς τοῦ πολέμου αἰτίας διαλῦσαι Ῥωμαίοις, ἐφ̓ ᾧ Χοσρόης παῖς ἐσποιητὸς Ἰουστίνῳ βασιλεῖ γένοιτο: οὕτω γάρ οἱ μόνως τὸ ὀχυρὸν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ διασώσασθαι. διὸ δὴ πρέσβεις τε ὑπὲρ τούτων καὶ γράμματα ἐς Βυζάντιον Ἰουστίνῳ βασιλεῖ ἔπεμψεν. [7] ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: ‘Οὐ δίκαια μὲν πεπονθέναι πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἡμᾶς καὶ αὐτὸς οἶσθα, ἐγὼ δὲ ὑμῖν τὰ ἐγκλήματα πάντα ἀφεῖναι παντελῶς ἔγνωκα, ἐκεῖνο εἰδώς, ὡς οὗτοι ἂν μάλιστα τῶν ἀνθρώπων νικῷεν, οἵ γε, προσόντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ δικαίου, εἶτα ἐλασσούμενοι ἑκόντες εἶναι τῶν φίλων ἡσσῶνται. [8] χάριν μέντοι αἰτοῦμαί σε ὑπὲρ τούτων τινά, ἣ ἂν οὐχ ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἑκατέρου ὑπήκοον ἅπαν ἔς τε τὸ ξυγγενὲς συνδέουσα καὶ τὴν ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς εὔνοιαν, ἐς κόρον δή που τῶν τῆς εἰρήνης ἀγαθῶν καταστήσασθαι ἱκανὴ εἴη. [9] λέγω δὲ ὅπως ἂν Χοσρόην τὸν ἐμόν, ὅς μοι τῆς βασιλείας διάδοχος ἔσται, εἰσποιητὸν παῖδα ποιήσαιο.’ [10] Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ἀπενεχθέντα Ἰουστῖνος βασιλεὺς εἶδεν, αὐτός τε περιχαρὴς ἐγένετο καὶ Ἰουστινιανὸς ὁ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς, ὃς δὴ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκδέξασθαι ἐπίδοξος ἦν. [11] καὶ κατὰ τάχος ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἠπειγέσθην τὴν ἐσποίησιν ἐν γράμμασι θέσθαι ᾗ νόμος Ῥωμαίοις, εἰ μὴ Πρόκλος ἐκώλυσεν, ὃς βασιλεῖ τότε παρήδρευε τὴν τοῦ καλουμένου κοιαίστωρος ἀρχὴν ἔχων, ἀνὴρ δίκαιός τε καὶ χρημάτων διαφανῶς ἀδωρότατος. [12] διὸ δὴ οὔτε νόμον τινὰ εὐπετῶς ἔγραφεν οὔτε τι τῶν καθεστώτων κινεῖν ἤθελεν, ὃς καὶ τότε ἀνταίρων ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [13] ‘Νεωτέροις μὲν ἐγχειρεῖν πράγμασιν οὔτε εἴωθα καὶ ἄλλως δέδοικα πάντων μάλιστα, εὖ εἰδὼς ὅτι ἐν τῷ νεωτεροποιῷ τό γε ἀσφαλὲς οὐδαμῶς σώζεται. [14] δοκῶ δέ μοι, εἰ καὶ λίαν τις ἦν περὶ ταῦτα θρασύς, ἀποκνῆσαι ἂν ἐς τήνδε τὴν πρᾶξιν: καὶ κατορρωδῆσαι τὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς σάλον: [15] οὐ γὰρ ἄλλ�
� οὐδὲν οἶμαι ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι ἡμῖν ἐν βουλῇ εἶναι ἢ ὅπως ἂν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα Πέρσαις εὐπρεπεῖ παραδοίημεν λόγῳ, οἵ γε οὐκ ἐγκρυφιάζοντες οὐδὲ παραπετάσμασί τισι χρώμενοι, ἀλλὰ διαρρήδην ὁμολογοῦντες τὸ βούλευμα, οὕτως ἀνέδην ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἡμᾶς ἀξιοῦσι, τῷ μὲν τῆς ἀπάτης φανερῷ τὴν ἀφέλειαν προϊσχόμενοι, λόγῳ δὲ ἀναιδεῖ τὴν ἀπραγμοσύνην προβεβλημένοι. [16] καίτοι χρῆν ἑκάτερον ὑμῶν ταύτην τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν πεῖραν παντὶ ἀποκρούεσθαι σθένει: σὲ μέν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὅπως δὴ μὴ Ῥωμαίων εἴης βασιλεὺς ὕστατος, σὲ δέ, ὦ στρατηγέ, ὅπως ἂν μὴ σαυτῷ ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐμποδὼν γένοιο. [17] τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλα σοφίσματα λόγου ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον σεμνότητι καλυπτόμενα ἴσως ἄν που καὶ ἑρμηνέως τοῖς πολλοῖς δέοιτο, αὕτη δὲ ἄντικρυς ἐκ προοιμίων εὐθὺς ἡ πρεσβεία τῷ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ Χοσρόην τοῦτον, ὅστις ποτέ ἐστι, κληρονόμον εἰσποιεῖν βούλεται. [18] οὑτωσὶ γάρ μοι περὶ τούτων διαλογίζεσθε: φύσει τοῖς παισὶ τὰ τῶν πατέρων ὀφείλεται, οἵ τε νόμοι τῷ διαλλάσσοντι ἀλλήλοις ἀεὶ ἐν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις μαχόμενοι ἐνταῦθα ἔν τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ πᾶσι βαρβάροις ξυνίασί τε καὶ ξυνομολογοῦντες ἀλλήλοις κυρίους ἀποφαίνουσι τοὺς παῖδας εἶναι τοῦ τοῦ πατρὸς κλήρου. ὥστε τὰ πρῶτα ἑλομένοις ὑμῖν πάντα λελείψεται τὰ λοιπὰ ξυγχωρεῖν.’ [19] Πρόκλος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. βασιλεὺς δὲ καὶ ὁ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς τούς τε λόγους ἐνεδέχοντο καὶ τὸ πρακτέον ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιοῦντο. [20] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα Καβάδης γράμματα πρὸς Ἰουστῖνον βασιλέα πέμψας, ἄνδρας τε αὐτὸν στεῖλαι δοκίμους ἠξίου, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τὴν εἰρήνην πρὸς αὐτὸν θήσονται, καὶ γράμμασι τὸν τρόπον σημῆναι καθ̓ ὃν ἂν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς εἰσποίησιν θέσθαι βουλομένῳ εἴη. [21] καὶ τότε δὴ Πρόκλος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον τὴν Περσῶν πεῖραν διέβαλλε, μέλειν τε αὐτοῖς ἰσχυρίζετο ὅπως δὴ τὸ Ῥωμαίων κράτος σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα προσποιήσωνται. [22] καὶ γνώμην ἀπέφαινε τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα περαίνεσθαι, ἄνδρας δὲ τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ βασιλέως ἐπ̓ αὐτῇ στέλλεσθαι, οὓς δὴ δεήσει πυνθανομένῳ τῷ Καβάδῃ καθ̓ ὅ τι δεῖ τὴν ἐσποίησιν Χοσρόῃ γενέσθαι, διαρρήδην ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι δεῖ ὡς βαρβάρῳ προσήκει, δηλῶν ὅτι οὐ γράμμασιν οἱ βάρβαροι τοὺς παῖδας ἐς ποιοῦνται, ἀλλ̓ ὅπλων σκευῇ. [23] οὕτω τοίνυν τοὺς πρέσβεις Ἰουστῖνος βασιλεὺς ἀπεπέμψατο, ἄνδρας τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ἀρίστους ἕψεσθαι σφίσιν οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ὑποσχόμενος, οἳ τά τε ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ καὶ τῷ Χοσρόῃ ὡς ἄριστα διοικήσονται. [24] γράμμασί τε Καβάδην κατὰ ταὐτὸ ἠμείψατο. στέλλονται τοίνυν ἐκ μὲν Ῥωμαίων Ὑπάτιος, Ἀναστασίου τοῦ πρώην βεβασιλευκότος ἀδελφιδοῦς, πατρίκιός τε καὶ ἀρχὴν τῆς ἕω τὴν στρατηγίδα ἔχων, καὶ Ῥουφῖνος ὁ Σιλβανοῦ παῖς, ἔν τε πατρικίοις ἀνὴρ δόκιμος καὶ Καβάδῃ ἐκ πατέρων αὐτῶν γνώριμος: [25] ἐκ Περσῶν δὲ ἀνὴρ δυνατώτατός τε καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ πολλῇ χρώμενος, ὄνομα μὲν Σεόσης, ἀδρασταδάραν σαλάνης δὲ τὸ ἀξίωμα, καὶ Μεβόδης, [26] τὴν τοῦ μαγίστρου ἔχων ἀρχήν. οἳ δὴ ἐς χῶρόν τινα ξυνιόντες ὃς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν διορίζει, ἀλλήλοις τε ξυγγινόμενοι ἔπρασσον ὅπως τά τε διάφορα διαλύσουσι καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ εὖ θήσονται. [27] ἧκε δὲ καὶ Χοσρόης ἐς ποταμὸν Τίγρην, ὃς δὴ πόλεως Νισίβιδος διέχει δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδῷ μάλιστα, ὅπως, ἐπειδὰν τὰ ἐς τὴν εἰρήνην ἑκατέροις δοκῇ ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν, αὐτὸς ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλοιτο. [28] πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλοι λόγοι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν σφίσι διαφόρων ἐλέγοντο, καὶ γῆν δὲ τὴν Κολχίδα ἣ νῦν Λαζικὴ ἐπικαλεῖται Σεόσης ἔλεγε Περσῶν κατήκοον τὸ ἀνέκαθεν οὖσαν βιασαμένους λόγῳ οὐδενὶ Ῥωμαίους ἔχειν. [29] ταῦτα Ῥωμαῖοι ἀκούσαντες δεινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ καὶ Λαζικὴ πρὸς Περσῶν ἀντιλέγοιτο. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐσποίησιν ἔφασκον δεῖν γενέσθαι Χοσρόῃ οὕτως ὥσπερ βαρβάρῳ προσήκει, οὐκ ἀνεκτὰ Πέρσαις ἔδοξεν εἶναι. [30] ἑκάτεροι οὖν διαλυθέντες ἐπ̓ οἴκου ἀνεχώρησαν, καὶ Χοσρόης ἄπρακτος πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, περιώδυνός τε ὢν τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι καὶ Ῥωμαίους εὐχόμενος τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν ὕβρεως τίσασθαι. [31] Μετὰ δὲ Μεβόδης μὲν τὸν Σεόσην διέβαλλε Καβάδῃ, ὡς δὴ ἐξεπίτηδες, οὔ οἱ ἐπιτεταγμένον πρὸς τοῦ δεσπότου, τὸν Λαζικῆς λόγον προθείη, τὴν εἰρήνην ἐκκρούων Ὑπατίῳ τε κοινολογησάμενος πρότερον, ὃς δὴ βασιλεῖ τῷ οἰκείῳ εὐνοϊκῶς ὡς ἥκιστα ἔχων τήν τε εἰρήνην καὶ τὴν Χοσρόου ἐσποίησιν ἔργῳ ἐπιτελῆ οὐκ ἐῴη γενέσθαι, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα κατηγοροῦντες οἱ ἐχθροὶ τὸν Σεόσην ἐς δίκην ἐκάλουν. [32] Περσῶν μὲν οὖν ἡ βουλὴ ξύμπασα φθόνῳ μᾶλλον ἢ νόμῳ ξυνειλεγμένοι ἐδίκαζον. τῇ τε γὰρ ἀρχῇ οὐ ξυνειθισμένῃ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιεικῶς ἤχθοντο καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς χαλεπῶς εἶχον. [33] ἦν γὰρ ὁ Σεόσης χρημάτων μὲν ἀδωρότατος καὶ τοῦ δικαίου ἐπιμελητὴς ἀκριβέστατος, ἀλαζονείας δὲ νόσῳ ἐχόμενος οὐδὲν ὁμοίως τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις. ξυμφυὲς μὲν γὰρ εἶναι δοκεῖ τοῖς Περσῶν ἄρχουσι τοῦτό γε ἐν δὲ τῷ Σεόσῃ καὶ αὐτοὶ ᾤοντο ὑπερφυῶς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα τὸ πάθος ἀκμάσαι. [34] ἔλεγον δὲ οἱ κατήγοροι ταῦτά τε ἅπερ μοι προδεδήλωται καὶ ὡ
ς ἥκιστα τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ βουλομένῳ εἴη ἐν τῷ καθεστῶτι τρόπῳ βιοτεύειν ἢ περιστέλλειν τὰ Περσῶν νόμιμα. [35] καινά τε γὰρ αὐτὸν δαιμόνια σέβειν καὶ τελευτήσασαν ἔναγχος τὴν γυναῖκα θάψαι, ἀπειρημένον τοῖς Περσῶν νόμοις γῇ κρύπτειν ποτὲ τὰ τῶν νεκρῶν σώματα. [36] οἱ μὲν οὖν δικασταὶ θάνατον τοῦ ἀνθρώπου κατέγνωσαν, Καβάδης δὲ ὥσπερ μὲν ξυναλγοῦντι ἅτε φίλῳ τῷ Σεόσῃ ἐῴκει, ἐξελέσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν οὐδαμῆ ἤθελεν. [37] οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ὅτι αὐτὸν δἰ ὀργῆς ἔχοι ἐξήνεγκεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ λόγῳ παραλύειν τοὺς Περσῶν νόμους οὐκ ἐβούλετο, καίπερ ζωάγρια τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ὀφείλων, ἐπεί οἱ Σεόσης αἰτιώτατος γέγονε βιῶναί τε καὶ βασιλεῖ εἶναι. οὕτω μὲν ὁ Σεόσης καταγνωσθεὶς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο. [38] ἡ δὲ ἀρχὴ ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἀρξαμένη ἐς αὐτὸν ἐτελεύτησεν. ἕτερος γάρ τις ἀδρασταδάραν σαλάνης οὐδεὶς γέγονε. καὶ Ῥουφῖνος δὲ Ὑπάτιον ἐς βασιλέα διέβαλλε. [39] διὸ δὴ αὐτόν τε παρέλυσε τῆς ἀρχῆς βασιλεύς, καὶ τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς πικρότατα αἰκισάμενος οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ διαβολῇ τὸ παράπαν εὗρε, κακὸν μέντοι οὐδὲν Ὑπάτιον ἄλλο εἰργάσατο.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 317