XXI
Hermogenes, as soon as the battle on the Euphrates had taken place, came before Cabades to negotiate with him, but he accomplished nothing regarding the peace on account of which he had come, since he found him still swelling with rage against the Romans; for this reason he returned unsuccessful. And Belisarius came to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor, having been removed from the office which he held, in order that he might march against the Vandals; but Sittas, as had been decreed by the Emperor Justinian, went to the East in order to guard that portion of the empire. And the Persians once more invaded Mesopotamia with a great army under command of Chanaranges and Aspebedes and Mermeroes. Since no one dared to engage with them, they made camp and began the siege of Martyropolis, where Bouzes and Bessas had been stationed in command of the garrison. This city lies in the land called Sophanene, two hundred and forty stades distant from the city of Amida toward the north; it is just on the River Nymphius which divides the land of the Romans and the Persians. So the Persians began to assail the fortifications, and, while the besieged at first withstood them manfully, it did not seem likely that they would hold out long. For the circuit-wall was quite easily assailable in most parts, and could be captured very easily by a Persian siege, and besides they did not have a sufficient supply of provisions, nor indeed had they engines of war nor anything else that was of any value for defending themselves. Meanwhile Sittas and the Roman army came to a place called Attachas, one hundred stades distant from Martyropolis, but they did not dare to advance further, but established their camp and remained there. Hermogenes also was with them, coming again as ambassador from Byzantium. At this point the following event took place.
It has been customary from ancient times both among the Romans and the Persians to maintain spies at public expense; these men are accustomed to go secretly among the enemy, in order that they may investigate accurately what is going on, and may then return and report to the rulers. Many of these men, as is natural, exert themselves to act in a spirit of loyalty to their nation, while some also betray their secrets to the enemy. At that time a certain spy who had been sent from the Persians to the Romans came into the presence of the Emperor Justinian and revealed many things which were taking place among the barbarians, and, in particular, that the nation of the Massagetae, in order to injure the Romans, were on the very point of going out into the land of Persia, and that from there they were prepared to march into the territory of the Romans, and unite with the Persian army. When the emperor heard this, having already a proof of the man’s truthfulness to him, he presented him with a handsome sum of money and persuaded him to go to the Persian army which was besieging the Martyropolitans, and announce to the barbarians there that these Massagetae had been won over with money by the Roman emperor, and were about to come against them that very moment. The spy carried out these instructions, and coming to the army of the barbarians he announced to Chanaranges and the others that an army of Huns hostile to them would at no distant time come to the Romans. And when they heard this, they were seized with terror, and were at a loss how to deal with the situation.
At this juncture it came about that Cabades became seriously ill, and he called to him one of the Persians who were in closest intimacy with him, Mebodes by name, and conversed with him concerning Chosroes and the kingdom, and said he feared the Persians would make a serious attempt to disregard some of the things which had been decided upon by him. But Mebodes asked him to leave the declaration of his purpose in writing, and bade him be confident that the Persians would never dare to disregard it. So Cabades set it down plainly that Chosroes should become king over the Persians. The document was written by Mebodes himself, and Cabades immediately passed from among men. [Sept. 13, 531] And when everything had been performed as prescribed by law in the burial of the king, then Caoses, confident by reason of the law, tried to lay claim to the office, but Mebodes stood in his way, asserting that no one ought to assume the royal power by his own initiative but by vote of the Persian notables. So Caoses committed the decision in the matter to the magistrates, supposing that there would be no opposition to him from there. But when all the Persian notables had been gathered together for this purpose and were in session, Mebodes read the document and stated the purpose of Cabades regarding Chosroes, and all, calling to mind the virtue of Cabades, straightway declared Chosroes King of the Persians.
Thus then Chosroes secured the power. But at Martyropolis, Sittas and Hermogenes were in fear concerning the city, since they were utterly unable to defend it in its peril, and they sent certain men to the enemy, who came before the generals and spoke as follows: “It has escaped your own notice that you are becoming wrongfully an obstacle to the king of the Persians and to the blessings of peace and to each state. For ambassadors sent from the emperor are even now present in order that they may go to the king of the Persians and there settle the differences and establish a treaty with him; but do you as quickly as possible remove from the land of the Romans and permit the ambassadors to act in the manner which will be of advantage to both peoples. For we are ready also to give as hostages men of repute concerning these very things, to prove that they will be actually accomplished at no distant date.” Such were the words of the ambassadors of the Romans. It happened also that a messenger came to them from the palace, who brought them word that Cabades had died and that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had become king over the Persians, and that in this way the situation had become unsettled. And as a result of this the generals heard the words of the Romans gladly, since they feared also the attack of the Huns. The Romans therefore straightway gave as hostages Martinus and one of the body-guards of Sittas, Senecius by name; so the Persians broke up the siege and made their departure promptly. And the Huns not long afterward invaded the land of the Romans, but since they did not find the Persian army there, they made their raid a short one, and then all departed homeward.
Αὐτίκα δὲ καὶ Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ Θωμᾶς ὡς ξὺν Ἑρμογένει πρεσβεύσοντες ἦλθον, παρά τε Περσῶν τὸν βασιλέα πάντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς ποταμὸν Τίγρην. [2] καὶ αὐτοὺς μὲν Χοσρόης ἐπειδὴ εἶδε, τοὺς ὁμήρους ἀφῆκε. τιθασσεύοντες δὲ Χοσρόην οἱ πρέσβεις ἐπαγωγά τε πολλὰ ἔλεξαν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὡς ἥκιστα πρέσβεσι πρέποντα. [3] οἷς δὴ χειροήθης ὁ Χοσρόης γενόμενος τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην πέρας οὐκ ἔχουσαν δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν κεντηναρίων ὡμολόγει πρὸς αὐτοὺς θήσεσθαι, ἐφ̓ ᾧ δὴ ὁ τῶν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχων μηκέτι ἐν Δάρας τὸ λοιπὸν εἴη, ἀλλ̓ ἐν Κωνσταντίνῃ τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον διαγένοιτο ᾗπερ καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν εἴθιστο: φρούρια δὲ τὰ ἐν Λαζικῇ οὐκ ἔφη ἀποδώσειν, καίπερ αὐτὸς τό τε Φαράγγιον καὶ Βῶλον τὸ φρούριον δικαιῶν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἀπολαβεῖν. [4] ἕλκει δὲ λίτρας τὸ κεντηνάριον ἑκατόν, ἀφ̓ οὗ δὴ καὶ ὠνόμασται. κέντον γὰρ τὰ ἑκατὸν καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. [5] τοῦτο δέ οἱ δίδοσθαι τὸ χρυσίον ἠξίου, ὡς μήτε πόλιν Δάρας Ῥωμαῖοι καθελεῖν ἀναγκάζωνται μήτε φυλακτηρίου τοῦ ἐν πύλαις Κασπίαις μεταλαχεῖν Πέρσαις. [6] οἱ μέντοι πρέσβεις τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἐπῄνουν, τὰ δὲ φρούρια ἐνδιδόναι οὐκ ἔφασκον οἷοί τε εἶναι, ἢν μὴ βασιλέως ἀμφ̓ αὐτοῖς πύθωνται πρότερον. [7] ἔδοξε τοίνυν Ῥουφῖνον μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλ�
�υς, ἕως αὐτὸς ἐπανίῃ, μένειν. καὶ χρόνος ἡμερῶν ἑβδομήκοντα Ῥουφίνῳ ξυνέκειτο ἐς τὴν ἄφιξιν. [8] ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ῥουφῖνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικόμενος βασιλεῖ ἀπήγγελλεν ὅσα Χοσρόῃ ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ δοκοῦντα εἴη, ἐκέλευσε βασιλεὺς κατὰ ταῦτα σφίσι τὴν εἰρήνην ξυνίστασθαι. [9] Ἀλλ̓ ἐν τούτῳ φήμη τις οὐκ ἀληθὴς ἥκουσα ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν ἤγγελλεν ὀργισθέντα Ῥουφῖνον κτεῖναι. οἷς δὴ Χοσρόης ξυνταραχθείς τε καὶ θυμῷ πολλῷ ἤδη ἐχόμενος τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ᾔει. Ῥουφῖνος δέ οἱ μεταξὺ ἐπανήκων ἐνέτυχε πόλεως Νισίβιδος οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν. [10] διὸ δὴ αὐτοί τε ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ ἐγένοντο καί, ἐπεὶ τὴν εἰρήνην βεβαιοῦν ἔμελλον, τὰ χρήματα οἱ πρέσβεις ἐνταῦθα ἐκόμιζον. [11] ἀλλ̓ Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ Λαζικῆς φρούρια ξυγκεχωρηκότι μετέμελεν ἤδη, γράμματά τε ἄντικρυς ἀπολέγοντα τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἔγραφε μηδαμῶς αὐτὰ προΐεσθαι Πέρσαις. [12] διὸ δὴ Χοσρόης τὰς σπονδὰς θέσθαι οὐκέτι ἠξίου, καὶ τότε Ῥουφίνῳ ἔννοιά τις ἐγένετο ὡς ταχύτερα ἢ ἀσφαλέστερα βουλευσάμενος ἐς γῆν τὴν Περσῶν τὰ χρήματα ἐσκομίσειεν. [13] αὐτίκα γοῦν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος καθῆκε τὸ σῶμα, κείμενός τε πρηνὴς Χοσρόην ἱκέτευε τά τε χρήματα σφίσι ξυμπέμψαι καὶ μὴ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους εὐθὺς στρατεύειν, ἀλλὰ ἐς χρόνον τινὰ ἕτερον τὸν πόλεμον ἀποτίθεσθαι. [14] Χοσρόης δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἐκέλευεν ἐξανίστασθαι, ἅπαντά οἱ ταῦτα χαριεῖσθαι ὑποσχόμενος. οἵ τε γοῦν πρέσβεις ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐς Δάρας ἦλθον, καὶ ὁ Περσῶν στρατὸς ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε. [15] Καὶ τότε μὲν Ῥουφῖνον οἱ ξυμπρεσβευταὶ δἰ ὑποψίας τε αὐτοὶ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἔσχον καὶ ἐς βασιλέα διέβαλλον, τεκμαιρόμενοι ὅτι δή οἱ ἅπαντα ὁ Χοσρόης ὅσα ἔχρῃζεν αὐτοῦ ἀναπεισθεὶς ξυνεχώρησεν. [16] ἔδρασε μέντοι αὐτὸν διὰ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι. χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ῥουφῖνός τε αὐτὸς καὶ Ἐρμογένης αὖθις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἐστέλλοντο, ἔς τε τὰς σπονδὰς αὐτίκα ἀλλήλοις ξυνέβησαν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἑκάτεροι ἀποδώσουσιν ὅσα δὴ ἀμφότεροι χωρία ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἀλλήλους ἀφείλοντο, καὶ μηκέτι στρατιωτῶν τις ἀρχὴ ἐν Δάρας εἴη: τοῖς τε Ἴβηρσιν ἐδέδοκτο ἐν γνώμῃ εἶναι ἢ μένειν αὐτοῦ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, ἢ ἐς σφῶν τὴν πατρίδα ἐπανιέναι. ἦσαν δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ οἱ μένοντες καὶ οἱ ἐπανιόντες ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη. [17] οὕτω τοίνυν τήν τε ἀπέραντον καλουμένην εἰρήνην ἐσπείσαντο, ἕκτον ἤδη ἔτος τὴν βασιλείαν Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἔχοντος. [18] καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν τό τε Φαράγγιον καὶ Βῶλον τὸ φρούριον ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι Πέρσαις ἔδοσαν, Πέρσαι δὲ Ῥωμαίοις τὰ Λαζικῆς φρούρια. καὶ Δάγαριν δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπέδοσαν Πέρσαι, ἀντ̓ αὐτοῦ ἕτερον κεκομισμένοι οὐκ ἀφανῆ ἄνδρα. [19] οὗτος ὁ Δάγαρις χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ πολλάκις Οὔννους ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσβεβληκότας μάχαις νικήσας ἐξήλασεν. ἦν γὰρ διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια. τὰς μὲν οὖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους σπονδὰς τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἀμφότεροι ἐκρατύναντο.
XXII
Straightway Rufinus and Alexander and Thomas came to act as ambassadors with Hermogenes, and they all came before the Persian king at the River Tigris. And when Chosroes saw them, he released the hostages. Then the ambassadors coaxed Chosroes, and spoke many beguiling words most unbecoming to Roman ambassadors. By this treatment Chosroes became tractable, and agreed to establish a peace with them that should be without end for the price of one hundred and ten “centenaria,” on condition that the commander of troops in Mesopotamia should be no longer at Daras, but should spend all his time in Constantina, as was customary in former times; but the fortresses in Lazica he refused to give back, although he himself demanded that he should receive back from the Romans both Pharangium and the fortress of Bolum. (Now the “centenarium” weighs one hundred pounds, for which reason it is so called; for the Romans call one hundred “centum”). He demanded that this gold be given him, in order that the Romans might not be compelled either to tear down the city of Daras or to share the garrison at the Caspian Gates with the Persians. However the ambassadors, while approving the rest, said that they were not able to concede the fortresses, unless they should first make enquiry of the emperor concerning them. It was decided, accordingly, that Rufinus should be sent concerning them to Byzantium, and that the others should wait until he should return. And it was arranged with Rufinus that seventy days’ time be allowed until he should arrive. When Rufinus reached Byzantium and reported to the emperor what Chosroes’ decision was concerning the peace, the emperor commanded that the peace be concluded by them on these terms.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 328