X
A short time before this calamity God displayed a sign to the inhabitants of that city, by which He indicated the things which were to be. For the standards of the soldiers who had been stationed there for a long time had been standing previously toward the west, but of their own accord they turned and stood toward the east, and then returned again to their former position untouched by anyone. This the soldiers shewed to many who were near at hand and among them the manager of finances in the camp, while the standards were still trembling. This man, Tatianus by name, was an especially discreet person, a native of Mopsuestia. But even so those who saw this sign did not recognize that the mastery of the place would pass from the western to the eastern king, in order, evidently, that escape might be utterly impossible for those who were bound to suffer those things which came to pass.
But I become dizzy as I write of such a great calamity and transmit it to future times, and I am unable to understand why indeed it should be the will of God to exalt on high the fortunes of a man or of a place, and then to cast them down and destroy them for no cause which appears to us. For it is wrong to say that with Him all things are not always done with reason, though he then endured to see Antioch brought down to the ground at the hands of a most unholy man, a city whose beauty and grandeur in every respect could not even so be utterly concealed.
So, then, after the city had been destroyed, the church was left solitary, thanks to the activity and foresight of the Persians to whom this work was assigned. And there were also left about the so-called Cerataeum many houses, not because of the foresight of any man, but, since they were situated at the extremity of the city, and not connected with any other building, the fire failed entirely to reach them. The barbarians burned also the parts outside the fortifications, except the sanctuary which is dedicated to St. Julianus and the houses which stand about this sanctuary. For it happened that the ambassadors had taken up their lodgings there. As for the fortifications, the Persians left them wholly untouched.
A little later the ambassadors again came to Chosroes and spoke as follows: “If our words were not addressed to thee in thy presence, O King, we should never believe that Chosroes, the son of Cabades, had come into the land of the Romans in arms, dishonouring the oaths which have recently been sworn by thee — for such pledges are regarded as the last and most firm security of all things among men to guarantee mutual trust and truthfulness — and breaking the treaty, though hope in treaties is the only thing left to those who are living in insecurity because of the evil deeds of war. For one might say of such a state of affairs that it is nothing else than the transformation of the habits of men into those of beasts. For in a time when no treaties at all are made, there will remain certainly war without end, and war which has no end is always calculated to estrange from their proper nature those who engage in it. With what intent, moreover, didst thou write to thy brother not long ago that he himself was responsible for the breaking of the treaty? Was it not obviously with the admission that the breaking of treaties is an exceedingly great evil? If therefore he has done no wrong, thou art not acting justly now in coming against us; but if it happen that thy brother has done any such thing, yet let thy complaint have its fulfilment thus far, and go no farther, that thou mayst shew thyself superior. For he who submits to be worsted in evil things would in better things justly be victorious. And yet we know well that the Emperor Justinian has never gone contrary to the treaty, and we entreat thee not to do the Romans such harm, from which there will be no advantage to the Persians, and thou wilt gain only this, that thou wilt have wrongfully wrought deeds of irreparable harm upon those who have recently made peace with thee.” So spoke the ambassadors.
And Chosroes, upon hearing this, insisted that the treaty had been broken by the Emperor Justinian; and he enumerated the causes of war which the Emperor afforded, some of them of real importance and others idle and fabricated without any reason; most of all he wished to shew that the letters written by him to Alamoundaras and the Huns were the chief cause of the war, just as I have stated above. But as for any Roman who had invaded the land of Persia, or who had made a display of warlike deeds, he was unable either to mention or to point out such a one. The ambassadors, however, referred the charges in part not to Justinian but to certain of those who had served him, while in the case of others they took exception to what he had said on the ground that the things had not taken place as stated. Finally Chosroes made the demand that the Romans give him a large sum of money, but he warned them not to hope to establish peace for all time by giving money at that moment only. For friendship, he said, which is made by men on terms of money is generally spent as fast as the money is used up. It was necessary, therefore, that the Romans should pay some definite annual sum to the Persians. “For thus,” he said, “the Persians will keep the peace secure for them, guarding the Caspian Gates themselves and no longer feeling resentment at them on account of the city of Daras, in return for which the Persians themselves will be in their pay forever.” “So,” said the ambassadors, “the Persians desire to have the Romans subject and tributary to themselves.” “No,” said Chosroes, “but the Romans will have the Persians as their own soldiers for the future, dispensing to them a fixed payment for their service; for you give an annual payment of gold to some of the Huns and to the Saracens, not as tributary subjects to them, but in order that they may guard your land unplundered for all time.” After Chosroes and the ambassadors had spoken thus at length with each other, they at last came to terms, agreeing that Chosroes should forthwith take from the Romans fifty centenaria, and that, receiving a tribute of five more centenaria annually for all time, he should do them no further harm, but taking with him hostages from the ambassadors to pledge the keeping of the agreement, should make his departure with the whole army to his native land, and that there ambassadors sent from the Emperor Justinian should arrange on a firm basis for the future the compact regarding the peace.
Τότε ὁ Χοσρόης ἐς Σελεύκειαν, πόλιν ἐπιθαλασσίαν, Ἀντιοχείας τριάκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίοις διέχουσαν ἦλθεν, ἐνταῦθά τε Ῥωμαίων οὐδένα οὔτε εὑρὼν οὔτε λυμηνάμενος ἀπελούσατο μὲν ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης τῷ ὕδατι μόνος, θύσας τε τῷ ἡλίῳ καὶ οἷστισιν ἄλλοις ἐβούλετο, πολλά τε ἐπιθειάσας ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνεν. [2] ἔς τε τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀφικόμενος, ἐπιθυμίαν οἱ ἔφασκέ τινα εἶναι τὴν Ἀπαμέων πόλιν ἐν γειτόνων οὖσαν οὐκ ἄλλου του ἕνεκα ἢ ἱστορίας θεάσασθαι. [3] ξυνεχώρουν τε οὐχ ἑκούσιοι καὶ τοῦτο οἱ πρέσβεις, ἐφ̓ ᾧ μέντοι αὐτὸν θεασάμενόν τε τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀργύρου χιλίας κομισάμενον ἐνθένδε λίτρας, οὐδέν τι ἄλλο λυμηνάμενον ἀπελαύνειν ὀπίσω. [4] ἔνδηλος δὲ ἦν ὁ Χοσρόης τοῖς τε πρέσβεσι καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅτι δὴ ἐς τὴν Ἀπάμειαν τοῦδε ἕνεκα στέλλοιτο μόνον, ὅπως δή τινος σκήψεως οὐκ ἀξιολόγου λαβόμενος αὐτήν τε καὶ τὴν ἐκείνῃ χώραν ληίσηται. τότε μὲν οὖν ἐς Δάφνην ἀνέβη, τὸ Ἀντιοχείας προάστειον. [5] ἔνθα δὴ τό τε ἄλσος ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ ἐποιήσατο καὶ τὰς τῶν ὑδάτων πηγάς: [6] ἄμφω γὰρ ἀξιοθέατα ἐπιεικῶς ἐστι. καὶ θύσας ταῖς νύμφαις ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν λυμηνάμενος, τοῦ δὲ ἀρχαγγέλου Μιχαὴλ τὸ ἱερὸν καύσας ξὺν ἑτέραις τισὶν οἰκίαις ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. [7] Πέρσης ἀνὴρ ἵππῳ ὀχούμενος, ἔ
ν τε τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ δόκιμος καὶ Χοσρόῃ βασιλεῖ γνώριμος, ἐς χῶρον κρημνώδη ἀμφὶ τὸν λεγόμενον Τρητὸν ἦλθε ξὺν ἑτέροις τισίν, οὗ δὴ τοῦ ἀρχαγγέλου Μιχαὴλ νεώς ἐστιν, Εὐάριδος ἔργον. [8] οὗτος ἀνὴρ τῶν τινα Ἀντιοχέων νεανίαν πεζόν τε καὶ μόνον κρυπτόμενον ἐνταῦθα ἰδὼν ἐδίωκε τῶν ἑτέρων χωρίς. ἦν δὲ κρεοπώλης ὁ νεανίας, [9] Ἀείμαχος ὄνομα. ὃς ἐπειδὴ καταλαμβάνεσθαι ἔμελλεν, ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου λίθῳ τὸν διώκοντα βάλλει, ἐπιτυγχάνει τε τοῦ μετώπου ἐς τὴν παρὰ τὸ οὖς μήνιγγα. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος εὐθὺς ἔπεσεν, ὁ δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν ἀκινάκην σπασάμενος κτείνει τὸν ἄνδρα. [10] σκυλεύσας τε αὐτοῦ κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν τά τε ὅπλα καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν ἅπαντα καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐτύγχανεν ἀμπεχόμενος, ἐπί τε τὸν ἵππον ἀναθορὼν πρόσω ἤλαυνεν. [11] εἴτε δὲ τύχῃ εἴτε χωρίων ἐμπειρίᾳ χρησάμενος, λαθεῖν τε τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διαφυγεῖν παντελῶς ἴσχυσε. [12] ταῦτα ὁ Χοσρόης μαθὼν καὶ τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι περιαλγήσας, τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινὰς καῦσαι τὸν τοῦ ἀρχαγγέλου νεὼν οὗ πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην ἐκέλευεν. [13] οἱ δὲ τοῦτον ἐκεῖνον εἶναι ἡγούμενοι ξὺν ταῖς ἀμφ̓ αὐτὸν οἰκοδομίαις ἐνέπρησαν, ἐπιτελεῖς τε πεποιῆσθαι τὰς Χοσρόου ἐντολὰς ᾤοντο. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἔσχε. [14] Χοσρόης δὲ παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ τὴν ἐπὶ Ἀπάμειαν ᾔει. ἔστι δὲ ξύλον πηχυαῖον ἐν Ἀπαμείᾳ, τοῦ σταυροῦ μέρος ἐν ᾧ τὸν Χριστὸν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ποτὲ τὴν κόλασιν οὔτι ἀκούσιον ὑποστῆναι ὁμολογεῖται, κατὰ δὴ τὸν παλαιὸν χρόνον ἐνταῦθα πρὸς Σύρου ἀνδρὸς κομισθὲν λάθρα. [15] καὶ αὐτὸ οἱ πάλαι ἄνθρωποι φυλακτήριον μέγα σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς καὶ τῇ πόλει πιστεύοντες ἔσεσθαι θήκην αὐτοῦ ξυλίνην τινὰ πεποιημένοι κατέθεντο, ἣν δὴ χρυσῷ τε πολλῷ καὶ λίθοις ἐντίμοις ἐκόσμησαν, καὶ τρισὶ μὲν ἱερεῦσι παρέδοσαν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ ξὺν πάσῃ ἀσφαλείᾳ φυλάξουσιν, ἐξάγοντες δὲ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος πανδημεὶ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ προσκυνοῦσι μιᾷ. [16] τότε οὖν ὁ τῶν Ἀπαμέων λεώς, ἐπειδὴ τὸν Μήδων στρατὸν ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἐπύθοντο ἰέναι, ἐν δέει μεγάλῳ ἐγένοντο. Χοσρόην δὲ ἀκούοντες ὡς ἥκιστα ἀληθίζεσθαι καὶ παρὰ Θωμᾶν τὸν τῆς πόλεως ἀρχιερέα γενόμενοι ἐδέοντο τὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ ξύλον ἐπιδεῖξαι σφίσιν, ὅπως αὐτὸ ὕστατα προσκυνήσαντες τελευτήσωσιν. [17] ὁ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. τότε δὴ θέαμα ξυνηνέχθη λόγου τε καὶ πίστεως κρεῖσσον ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ξύλον ὁ ἱερεὺς φέρων ἐδείκνυεν, ὕπερθεν δὲ αὐτοῦ σέλας πυρὸς ἐπεφέρετο καὶ τὸ κατ̓ αὐτὸν τῆς ὀροφῆς μέρος φωτὶ πολλῷ ὑπὲρ τὸ εἰωθὸς κατελάμπετο. [18] βαδίζόντος τε τοῦ ἱερέως πανταχῆ τοῦ νεὼ συμπροῄει τὸ σέλας, φυλάσσον ἀεὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τῆς ὀροφῆς χώραν. [19] ὁ μὲν οὖν τῶν Ἀπαμέων δῆμος ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ θαύματος ἡδονῆς ἐθαμβεῖτό τε καὶ ἐγεγήθει καὶ ἔκλαιεν, ἤδη τε ἅπαντες ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας τὸ θαρσεῖν εἶχον. [20] ὁ δὲ Θωμᾶς, ἐπειδὴ περιῆλθε τὸν νεὼν ἅπαντα, καταθέμενος ἐν τῇ θήκῃ τὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ ξύλον ἐκάλυψε, καὶ τὸ σέλας ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐπέπαυτο. μαθὼν δὲ τὸν τῶν πολεμίων στρατὸν ἄγχιστά που τῆς πόλεως ἥκειν, σπουδῇ πολλῇ παρὰ τὸν Χοσρόην ἀφίκετο. [21] καὶ ὃς ἐπεὶ ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἱερέως εἰ βουλομένοις τοῖς Ἀπαμεῦσιν εἴη ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου ἀντιτάξασθαι τῷ Μήδων στρατῷ, ἀπεκρίνατο Θωμᾶς οὐδὲν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τοιοῦτο ἐς ἔννοιαν ἥκειν. [22] ‘Οὐκοῦν’ ἔφη ὁ Χοσρόης ‘δέξασθέ με τῇ πόλει ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ πάσαις ἀναπεπταμέναις [23] ταῖς πύλαις.’ ὁ ἱερεὺς εἶπεν ‘Ἐπ̓ αὐτὸ γὰρ δὴ παρακαλέσων τοῦτο ἀφῖγμαι.’ ὁ μὲν οὖν στρατὸς ἅπας ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο διεσκηνημένοι πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου, [24] Ὁ δὲ Χοσρόης ἄνδρας τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις ἀρίστων διακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος ἐς τὴν πόλιν εἰσήλασεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ γέγονεν εἴσω πυλῶν, ἐπελάθετο ἑκών γε εἶναι τῶν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς πρέσβεσι ξυγκειμένων, καὶ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἐκέλευε δοῦναι οὐ χίλια μόνον ἀργύρου σταθμὰ οὐδὲ τούτων δεκαπλάσια, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ κειμήλια ὅσα δὴ ἐνταῦθα ἔτυχε κείμενα, χρυσᾶ τε καὶ ἀργυρᾶ ξύμπαντα, μεγάλα ὑπερφυῶς ὄντα. [25] οἶμαι δ̓ ἂν αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὅλην ἀνδραποδίσασθαί τε καὶ ληίσασθαι οὐκ ἂν ἀποκνῆσαι, εἰ μή τι θεῖον αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς διεκώλυσεν. [26] οὕτως αὐτὸν ἥ τε φιλοχρηματία ἐξέπλησσε καὶ ἔστρεφεν αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν ἡ τῆς δόξης ἐπιθυμία. [27] κλέος γάρ οἱ μέγα τοὺς τῶν πόλεων ἀνδραποδισμοὺς ᾤετο εἶναι, οὐδὲν τὸ παράπαν ποιούμενος εἰ σπονδάς τε καὶ ξυνθήκας ἠλογηκὼς τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐργάζεται. [28] ταύτην τε Χοσρόου δηλώσει τὴν γνώμην ἅ τε ἀμφὶ πόλιν Δάρας ἐν ταύτῃ δὴ ἐνεχείρησε τῇ ἀποπορείᾳ, ἐν πάσῃ ἀλογίᾳ ποιησάμενος τὰ ξυγκείμενα, καὶ ἃ Καλλινικησίους ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ἐν σπονδαῖς ἔδρασεν, ἅπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθε λελέξεται λόγοις. ἀλλ̓ ὁ θεός, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, [29] Ἀπάμειαν διεσώσατο. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ κειμήλια ὁ Χοσρόης ξύμπαντα εἷλε καὶ αὐτὸν μεθύοντα ἤδη τῇ τῶν χρημάτων ἀφθονίᾳ ὁ Θωμᾶς εἶδε, τὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ ξύλον ξὺν τῇ θήκῃ ἐξενεγκὼν ἀνέῳγέ τε τὴν θήκην καὶ τὸ ξύλον ἐνδεικνύμενος ‘Ὦ κράτιστε βασιλεῦ’ ἔφη ‘ταῦτά μοι ἀπολέλειπται μόνα ἐκ πάντων χρημάτων. [30] θήκην μὲν οὖν τήνδε ῾χρυσῷ τε γὰρ κεκαλλώπισται καὶ λίθοις ἐντίμοι�
�᾿ φθόνος οὐδεὶς λαβόντα σε ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἔχειν, τουτὶ δὲ τὸ ξύλον, σωτήριόν τε ἡμῖν καὶ τίμιόν ἐστι, τοῦτο, ἱκετεύω σε καὶ δέομαι, δός μοι.’ ὁ μὲν ἱερεὺς τοσαῦτα εἶπε. ξυνεχώρει δὲ Χοσρόης καὶ τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίει. [31] Μετὰ δὲ φιλοτιμίᾳ πολλῇ χρώμενος τόν τε δῆμον ἐς τὸ ἱπποδρόμιον ἀναβαίνειν ἐκέλευε καὶ τοὺς ἡνιόχους ἀγωνίζεσθαι τὰ εἰωθότα σφίσιν. [32] οὗ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀναβὰς θεατὴς γενέσθαι τῶν ποιουμένων ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠκηκόει πολλῷ πρότερον Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα χρώματος τοῦ Βενέτου, ὃ δὴ κυάνεόν ἐστιν, ἐκτόπως ἐρᾶν, ἀπ̓ ἐναντίας αὐτῷ κἀνταῦθα ἰέναι βουλόμενος ἤθελε τῷ πρασίνῳ τὴν νίκην ἁρμόσαι. [33] οἱ μὲν οὖν ἡνίοχοι ἀπὸ βαλβίδων ἀρξάμενοι ἔργου εἴχοντο, τύχη δέ τις τῷ τὰ Βένετα ἐνδιδυσκομένῳ ἐγένετο παρελάσαντι ἐπίπροσθεν ἰέναι. [34] εἵπετο δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὰς αὐτὰς ἁματροχιὰς ὁ τὸ πράσινον ἀμπεχόμενος χρῶμα. [35] ὅπερ ἐξεπίτηδες ὁ Χοσρόης γεγονέναι οἰόμενος, ἠγανάκτει τε καὶ ξὺν ἀπειλῇ ἀνεβόα τὸν Καίσαρα προτερῆσαι τῶν ἄλλων οὐ δέον, ἐκέλευέ τε τοὺς προτέρους ἰόντας ἵππους ἐπέχεσθαι, ὅπως τὸ λοιπὸν κατόπισθεν γενόμενοι ἀγωνίζωνται: ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ οὕτως ἐπέπρακτο ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνος ἐκέλευε, νικᾶν οὕτως ὅ τε Χοσρόης καὶ μέρος τὸ πράσινον ἔδοξεν. [36] ἐνταῦθα τῶν τις Ἀπαμέων Χοσρόῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ᾐτιᾶτο Πέρσην ἄνδρα ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀναβάντα τὴν παῖδα οὖσαν παρθένον βιάζεσθαι. [37] ὁ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ τῷ θυμῷ ζέων ἄγεσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα ἐκέλευε. καὶ ἐπεὶ παρῆν ἤδη, ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐπέστελλε. [38] γνοὺς δὲ ὁ δῆμος παντὶ σθένει ἀνέκραγον ἐξαίσιον οἷον, πρὸς τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργῆς ὀργῆς τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐξαιτούμενοι. Χοσρόης δὲ ὡμολόγησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τὸν ἄνδρα ἀφήσειν, λάθρα δὲ ἀνεσκολόπισεν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε διαπεπραγμένος παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνεν.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 343