But Basiliscus with his whole fleet put in at a town distant from Carthage no less than two hundred and eighty stades (now it so happened that a temple of Hermes had been there from of old, from which fact the place was named Mercurium; for the Romans call Hermes “Mercurius”), and if he had not purposely played the coward and hesitated, but had undertaken to go straight for Carthage, he would have captured it at the first onset, and he would have reduced the Vandals to subjection without their even thinking of resistance; so overcome was Gizeric with awe of Leon as an invincible emperor, when the report was brought to him that Sardinia and Tripolis had been captured, and he saw the fleet of Basiliscus to be such as the Romans were said never to have had before. But, as it was, the general’s hesitation, whether caused by cowardice or treachery, prevented this success. And Gizeric, profiting by the negligence of Basiliscus, did as follows. Arming all his subjects in the best way he could, he filled his ships, but not all, for some he kept in readiness empty, and they were the ships which sailed most swiftly. And sending envoys to Basiliscus, he begged him to defer the war for the space of five days, in order that in the meantime he might take counsel and do those things which were especially desired by the emperor. They say, too, that he sent also a great amount of gold without the knowledge of the army of Basiliscus and thus purchased this armistice. And he did this, thinking, as actually did happen, that a favouring wind would rise for him during this time. And Basiliscus, either as doing a favour to Aspar in accordance with what he had promised, or selling the moment of opportunity for money, or perhaps thinking it the better course, did as he was requested and remained quietly in the camp, awaiting the moment favourable to the enemy.
But the Vandals, as soon as the wind had arisen for them which they had been expecting during the time they lay at rest, raised their sails and, taking in tow the boats which, as has been stated above, they had made ready with no men in them, they sailed against the enemy. And when they came near, they set fire to the boats which they were towing, when their sails were bellied by the wind, and let them go against the Roman fleet. And since there were a great number of ships there, these boats easily spread fire wherever they struck, and were themselves readily destroyed together with those with which they came in contact. And as the fire advanced in this way the Roman fleet was filled with tumult, as was natural, and with a great din that rivalled the noise caused by the wind and the roaring of the flames, as the soldiers together with the sailors shouted orders to one another and pushed off with their poles the fire-boats and their own ships as well, which were being destroyed by one another in complete disorder. And already the Vandals too were at hand ramming and sinking the ships, and making booty of such of the soldiers as attempted to escape, and of their arms as well. But there were also some of the Romans who proved themselves brave men in this struggle, and most of all John, who was a general under Basiliscus and who had no share whatever in his treason. For a great throng having surrounded his ship, he stood on the deck, and turning from side to side kept killing very great numbers of the enemy from there, and when he perceived that the ship was being captured, he leaped with his whole equipment of arms from the deck into the sea. And though Genzon, the son of Gizeric, entreated him earnestly not to do this, offering pledges and holding out promises of safety, he nevertheless threw himself into the sea, uttering this one word, that John would never come under the hands of dogs.
So this war came to an end, and Heracleius departed for home; for Marcellianus had been destroyed treacherously by one of his fellow-officers. And Basiliscus, coming to Byzantium, seated himself as a suppliant in the sanctuary of Christ the Great God (“Sophia” the temple is called by the men of Byzantium who consider that this designation is especially appropriate to God), and although, by the intercession of Berine, the queen, he escaped this danger, he was not able at that time to reach the throne, the thing for the sake of which everything had been done by him. For the Emperor Leon not long afterwards destroyed both Aspar and Ardaburius in the palace, because he suspected that they were plotting against his life. [471 A.D.] Thus, then, did these events take place.
Ἀνθέμιος δὲ ὁ τῶν δυσμῶν αὐτοκράτωρ πρὸς τοῦ κηδεστοῦ Ῥεκίμερος διαφθαρεὶς ἐτελεύτα, Ὀλύβριός τε τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκδεξάμενος ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον χρόνῳ τὴν ὁμοίαν πεπρωμένην ἀνέπλησε. [2] τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ Λέοντος ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, παρέλαβε τὴν βασιλείαν Λέων ὁ Ζήνωνός τε καὶ Ἀριάδνης τῆς Λέοντος θυγατρός, ἐς ἡμερῶν ἔτι ὀλίγων που ἡλικίαν ἥκων. [3] αἱρεθέντος δὲ ξυμβασιλέως αὐτῷ τοῦ πατρός, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ὁ παῖς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο. [4] ἄξιον δὲ καὶ Μαϊορίνου ἐπιμνησθῆναι, ὃς δὴ πρότερον ἔσχε τὸ ἑσπέριον κράτος. οὗτος γὰρ ὁ Μαϊορῖνος, ξύμπαντας τοὺς πώποτε Ῥωμαίων βεβασιλευκότας ὑπεραίρων ἀρετῇ πάσῃ, τὸ Λιβύης πάθος οὐκ ἤνεγκε πρᾴως, ἀλλὰ στρατιὰν ἐπὶ Βανδίλους ἀξιολογωτάτην ἀγείρας ἐν Λιγούροις ἐγένετο, αὐτὸς τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξηγεῖσθαι διανοούμενος. [5] ἦν γὰρ ὁ Μαϊορῖνος ἔς τε τοὺς ἄλλους πόνους καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους ἄοκνος κομιδῆ. [6] οὐκ ἀξύμφορον δέ οἱ ἡγούμενος εἶναι δύναμίν τε τὴν Βανδίλων καὶ τὸ Γιζερίχου ἦθος διερευνήσασθαι πρότερον καὶ ὅπη ποτὲ Μαυρούσιοί τε καὶ Λίβυες εὐνοίας τε ἢ ἔχθους πέρι ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔχοιεν, οὐκ ἄλλοις τισι πιστεύειν τὸ τοιοῦτον ἢ ὀφθαλμοῖς τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἔγνω. [7] πρεσβευτὴς οὖν ὡς δὴ ἐκ βασιλέως παρὰ τὸν Γιζέριχον ἐστάλη, ἄλλο τι αὑτῷ ὄνομα ξυμπεπλασμένον ἐπενεγκών. δείσας δὲ μὴ καταφανὴς γεγονὼς αὐτός τε κακόν τι λάβῃ καὶ τὰ πρασσόμενα διακωλύσῃ, μηχανᾶται τοιάδε. [8] τὰς ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τρίχας ῾διαβόητοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὅτι δὴ οὕτω ξανθαὶ εἶεν ὥστε χρυσῷ ἀκιβδήλῳ εἰκάζεσθαἰ βαφῇ τινι χρίσας ἐς τοῦτο ἐξεπίτηδες ἐξευρημένῃ ἐπὶ καιροῦ μεταβαλεῖν ἐς τὸ κυάνεον παντελῶς ἴσχυσεν. [9] ἐπεὶ δὲ Γιζερίχῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθε, τά τε ἄλλα ὁ Γιζέριχος αὐτὸν ἐνεχείρει δεδίσσεσθαι καὶ ἅτε φίλον ἐπαγαγόμενος ἐς τὸ οἴκημα ἦλθεν οὗ δὴ τὰ ὅπλα ξυνέκειτο πάντα, πολλά τε καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ὑπερφυῶς ὄντα. [10] ἐνταῦθά φασι τὰ ὅπλα κινηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ αὐτομάτου πάταγον οὐ μέτριον οὐδὲ τὸν τυχόντα ἀφεῖναι, καὶ τότε μὲν τῷ Γιζερίχῳ σεισμόν τινα γεγονέναι δοκεῖν, ἔξω δὲ γενομένῳ ἀμφί τε τῷ σεισμῷ ἀναπυνθανομένῳ, ἐπεί οἱ τῶν ἄλλων οὐδεὶς ὡμολόγει, θαῦμα μὲν ἐπιπεσεῖν μέγα, οὐ μέντοι ξυμβαλεῖν τὸ γεγονὸς οἵῳ τε εἶναι. [11] ὁ μὲν οὖν Μαϊορῖνος διαπεπραγμένος ἅπερ ἐβούλετο ἐπὶ Λιγουρίας ἀπεκομίσθη, καὶ τῷ στρατῷ πεζῇ βαδίζοντι ἐξηγούμενος ἐπὶ στήλας τὰς Ἡρακλείους ᾔει, διαβαίνειν μὲν διανο
ούμενος τὸν ἐκείνῃ πορθμόν, ὁδῷ δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα ἐνθένδε ἰέναι. [12] ὧνπερ ὁ Γιζέριχος αἰσθόμενος καὶ ὅτι δὴ πρὸς Μαϊορίνου ἐν τῇ πρεσβείᾳ φενακισθείη, ἔς τε ὀρρωδίαν ἐμπέπτωκε καὶ τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐξηρτύετο. [13] οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι τεκμηριούμενοι τῇ Μαϊορίνου ἀρετῇ εὐέλπιδες ἤδη ἐγένοντο Λιβύην τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀνασώσασθαι. [14] ἀλλὰ μεταξὺ νόσῳ δυσεντερίας ἁλοὺς ὁ Μαϊορῖνος διαφθείρεται, ἀνὴρ τὰ μὲν εἰς τοὺς ὑπηκόους μέτριος γεγονώς, φοβερὸς δὲ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους. [15] καὶ Νέπως δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν ὀλίγας τε ἡμέρας ἐπιβιοὺς ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, καὶ Γλυκέριος μετ̓ αὐτὸν ἐς ταύτην δὴ προελθὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν τύχην τὴν ὁμοίαν ἀνέπλησε. μεθ̓ ὃν δὴ Αὔγουστος τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔλαβε. [16] βασιλεῖς μέντοι καὶ ἄλλοι πρότερον ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ γεγόνασιν, ὧνπερ τὰ ὀνόματα ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι. [17] χρόνον τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς τῇ ἀρχῇ ὀλίγον τινὰ ἐπιβιῶναι καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ λόγου ἄξιον οὐδὲν πεπραχέναι ξυνέπεσε. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ ἐγένετο. [18] Ἐν δὲ Βυζαντίῳ ὁ Βασιλίσκος ῾οὐ γὰρ ἔτι οἷός τε ἦν τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς βασιλείας βιάζεσθαἰ τυραννίδι ἐπιθέμενος ἐκράτησεν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, Ζήνωνος ὁμοῦ τῇ γυναικὶ ἐς τὴν Ἰσαυρίαν, ἀφ̓ ἧς δὴ ὡρμᾶτο, διαφυγόντος. [19] ἔχοντι δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν τυραννίδα ἐνιαυτόν τε καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ οἵ τε ἄλλοι ὡς εἰπεῖν ξύμπαντες καὶ οἱ τῆς αὐλῆς στρατιῶται διὰ φιλοχρηματίας μέγεθος ἤχθοντο. [20] ὧν δὴ Ζήνων αἰσθόμενος στρατιάν τε ἀγείρας ἐπ̓ αὐτὸν ᾔει. Βασιλίσκος δὲ στρατόν τε καὶ στρατηγὸν Ἁρμάτον ὡς ἀντιταξόμενος Ζήνωνι ἔπεμψεν. [21] ὡς δὲ πλησίον που ἀλλήλοις ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, παραδίδωσιν Ἁρμάτος Ζήνωνι τὸ αὑτοῦ στράτευμα, ἐφ̓ ᾧ Βασιλίσκον τὸν αὐτοῦ υἱόν, κομιδῆ ὄντα παῖδα νέον, Καίσαρά τε καταστήσεσθαι καὶ τελευτῶντι διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας ἀπολιπεῖν. [22] Βασιλίσκος δὲ πάντων ἔρημος γεγονὼς ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν καταφεύγει οὗπερ καὶ πρότερον. καὶ αὐτὸν Ἀκάκιος, ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἱερεύς, Ζήνωνι ἐνεχείρισεν, ἀσέβειάν τε αὐτῷ ἐπενεγκὼν καὶ ὡς πολλὰ τοῦ Χριστιανῶν δόγματος ξυνετάραξέ τε καὶ ἐνεόχμωσεν, ἐς τὴν Εὐτυχοῦς αἵρεσιν ἀποκλίνας. καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. [23] Ζήνων δὲ αὖθις τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν καὶ τὴν ἐς Ἁρμάτον πίστιν ἀφοσιούμενος Βασιλίσκον τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα Καίσαρα καταστησάμενος, οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον αὐτόν τε ἀφείλετο τὴν τιμὴν καὶ Ἁρμάτον ἔκτεινε. [24] Βασιλίσκον δὲ ὁμοῦ τοῖς τε παισὶ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ πέμψας ἐς Καππαδοκίαν χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ σιτίων τε καὶ ἱματίων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιμελείας ἐρήμους ἐκέλευσεν εἶναι. [25] ἔνθα δὴ ψύχει τε καὶ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι ἔς τε ἀλλήλους καταφεύγουσι καὶ τὰ φίλτατα περιβαλόντες σώματα διεφθάρησαν. αὕτη τε Βασιλίσκον τῶν πεπολιτευμένων κατέλαβε τίσις. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἐγένετο. [26] Γιζέριχος δὲ τότε ἀπάτῃ τε περιελθὼν καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἐξελάσας, ὡς πρόσθεν εἴρηται, τοὺς πολεμίους, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, ἦγέ τε τὰ Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἔφερε ξύμπαντα, ἕως αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς Ζήνων ἐς ὁμολογίαν ἀφίκετο σπονδαί τε αὐτοῖς ἀπέραντοι ξυνετέθησαν, μήτε Βανδίλους πολέμιόν τι ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα Ῥωμαίους ἐργάσασθαι μήτε αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἐκείνων ξυμβῆναι. ταύτας τε τὰς σπονδὰς Ζήνων τε αὐτὸς διεσώσατο καὶ ὃς μετ̓ ἐκεῖνον τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν Ἀναστάσιος. [27] διέμειναν δὲ καὶ ἐς Ἰουστῖνον αὐτοκράτορα. τούτου δὲ Ἰουστίνου ἀδελφιδοῦς ὢν Ἰουστινιανὸς διεδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν: [28] ἐπὶ τούτου Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλεύοντος ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη ὅδε, τρόπῳ ᾧ ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθεν λελέξεται λόγοις. [29] χρόνον δὲ ὀλίγον Γιζέριχος ἐπιβιοὺς ἐτελεύτα πόρρω που ἤδη ἡλικίας ἥκων, διαθήκας διαθέμενος ἐν αἷς ἄλλα τε πολλὰ Βανδίλοις ἐπέσκηψε καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀεὶ Βανδίλων ἐς τοῦτον ἰέναι ὃς ἂν ἐκ γόνου ἄρρενος αὐτῷ Γιζερίχῳ κατὰ γένος προσήκων πρῶτος ὢν ἁπάντων τῶν αὐτοῦ ξυγγενῶν τὴν ἡλικίαν τύχοι. [30] Γιζέριχος μὲν οὖν ἄρξας Βανδίλων ἐπειδὴ Καρχηδόνος ἐκράτησεν ἔτη ἐννέα καὶ τριάκοντα, ἐτελεύτησεν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται.
VII
[Aug. 11, 472 A.D.] Now Anthemius, the emperor of the West, died at the hand of his son-in-law Rhecimer, and Olybrius, succeeding to the throne, a short time afterward suffered the same fate. [Oct. 10, 472 A.D.] And when Leon also had died in Byzantium, the imperial office was taken over by the younger Leon, the son of Zeno and Ariadne, the daughter of Leon, while he was still only a few days old. And his father having been chosen as partner in the royal power, the child forthwith passed from the world. [474 A.D.] Majorinus also deserves mention, who had gained the power of the West before this time. For this Majorinus, who surpassed in every virtue all who have ever been emperors of the Romans, did not bear lightly the loss of Libya, but collected a very considerable army against the Vandals and came to Liguria, intending himself to lead the army against the enemy. For Majorinus never showed the least hesitation before any task and least of all before the dangers of war. But thinking it not inexpedient for him to investigate first the strength of the Vandals and the character of Gizeric and to discover how the Moors and Libyans stood with regard to friendship or hostility toward the Romans, he decided to trust no eyes other than his own in such a matter. Accordingly he set out as if an envoy from the emperor to Gizeric, assuming some fictitious name. And fearing lest, by becoming known, he should himself receive some harm and at the same time prevent the success of the enterprise, he devised the following scheme. His hair, which was famous among all men as being so fair as to resemble pure gold, he anointed with some kind of dye, which was especially invented for this purpose, and so succeeded completely in changing it for the time to a dark hue. And when he came before Gizeric, the barbarian attempted in many ways to terrify him, and in particular, while treatin
g him with engaging attention, as if a friend, he brought him into the house where all his weapons were stored, a numerous and exceedingly noteworthy array. Thereupon they say that the weapons shook of their own accord and gave forth a sound of no ordinary or casual sort, and then it seemed to Gizeric that there had been an earthquake, but when he got outside and made enquiries concerning the earthquake, since no one else agreed with him, a great wonder, they say, came over him, but he was not able to comprehend the meaning of what had happened. So Majorinus, having accomplished the very things he wished, returned to Liguria, and leading his army on foot, came to the Pillars of Heracles, purposing to cross over the strait at that point, and then to march by land from there against Carthage. And when Gizeric became aware of this, and perceived that he had been tricked by Majorinus in the matter of the embassy, he became alarmed and made his preparations for war. And the Romans, basing their confidence on the valour of Majorinus, already began to have fair hopes of recovering Libya for the empire. [461 A.D.] But meantime Majorinus was attacked by the disease of dysentery and died, a man who had shewn himself moderate toward his subjects, and an object of fear to his enemies. [July 24, 474 A.D.] And another emperor, Nepos, upon taking over the empire, and living to enjoy it only a few days, died of disease, and Glycerius after him entered into this office and suffered a similar fate. [474-475 A.D.] And after him Augustus assumed the imperial power. There were, moreover, still other emperors in the West before this time, but though I know their names well, I shall make no mention of them whatever. For it so fell out that they lived only a short time after attaining the office, and as a result of this accomplished nothing worthy of mention. Such was the course of events in the West.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 371