There was a certain Cabaon ruling over the Moors of Tripolis, a man experienced in many wars and exceedingly shrewd. This Cabaon, upon learning that the Vandals were marching against him, did as follows. First of all he issued orders to his subjects to abstain from all injustice and from all foods tending towards luxury and most of all from association with women; and setting up two palisaded enclosures, he encamped himself with all the men in one, and in the other he shut the women, and he threatened that death would be the penalty if anyone should go to the women’s palisade. And after this he sent spies to Carthage with the following instructions: whenever the Vandals in going forth on the expedition should offer insult to any temple which the Christians reverence, they were to look on and see what took place; and when the Vandals had passed the place, they were to do the opposite of everything which the Vandals had done to the sanctuary before their departure. And they say that he added this also, that he was ignorant of the God whom the Christians worshipped, but it was probable that if He was powerful, as He was said to be, He should wreak vengeance upon those who insulted Him and defend those who honoured Him. So the spies came to Carthage and waited quietly, observing the preparation of the Vandals; but when the army set out on the march to Tripolis, they followed, clothing themselves in humble garb. And the Vandals, upon making camp the first day, led their horses and their other animals into the temples of the Christians, and sparing no insult, they acted with all the unrestrained lawlessness natural to them, beating as many priests as they caught and lashing them with many blows over the back and commanding them to render such service to the Vandals as they were accustomed to assign to the most dishonoured of their domestics. And as soon as they had departed from there, the spies of Cabaon did as they had been directed to do; for they straightway cleansed the sanctuaries and took away with great care the filth and whatever other unholy thing lay in them, and they lighted all the lamps and bowed down before the priests with great reverence and saluted them with all friendliness; and after giving pieces of silver to the poor who sat about these sanctuaries, they then followed after the army of the Vandals. And from then on along the whole route the Vandals continued to commit the same offences and the spies to render the same service. And when they were coming near the Moors, the spies anticipated them and reported to Cabaon what had been done by the Vandals and by themselves to the temples of the Christians, and that the enemy were somewhere near by. And Cabaon, upon learning this, arranged for the encounter as follows. He marked off a circle in the plain where he was about to make his palisade, and placed his camels turned sideways in a circle as a protection for the camp, making his line fronting the enemy about twelve camels deep. Then he placed the children and the women and all those who were unfit for fighting together with their possessions in the middle, while he commanded the host of fighting men to stand between the feet of those animals, covering themselves with their shields. And since the phalanx of the Moors was of such a sort, the Vandals were at a loss how to handle the situation; for they were neither good with the javelin nor with the bow, nor did they know how to go into battle on foot, but they were all horsemen, and used spears and swords for the most part, so that they were unable to do the enemy any harm at a distance; and their horses, annoyed at the sight of the camels, refused absolutely to be driven against the enemy. And since the Moors, by hurling javelins in great numbers among them from their safe position, kept killing both their horses and men without difficulty, because they were a vast throng, they began to flee, and, when the Moors came out against them, the most of them were destroyed, while some fell into the hands of the enemy; and an exceedingly small number from this army returned home. Such was the fortune which Trasamundus suffered at the hands of the Moors. And he died at a later time, having ruled over the Moors twenty-seven years.
Ἰλδέριχος δὲ Ὁνωρίχου τοῦ Γιζερίχου παῖς τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν, ὃς τὰ μὲν ἐς τοὺς ὑπηκόους εὐπρόσοδός τε ἦν καὶ ὅλως πρᾷος, καὶ οὔτε Χριστιανοῖς οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ χαλεπὸς ἐγεγόνει, τὰ δὲ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον μαλθακός τε λίαν καὶ οὐδὲ ἄχρι ἐς τὰ ὦτα τὸ πρᾶγμά οἱ τοῦτο ἐθέλων ἰέναι. [2] Ὁάμερ γοῦν ἀνεψιός τε ὢν αὐτῷ καὶ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια ἐστρατήγει ἐφ̓ οὓς ἂν στρατεύοιντο Βανδίλοι: ὃν δὴ καὶ Ἀχιλλέα Βανδίλων ἐκάλουν. [3] ἐπὶ τούτου Ἰλδερίχου ἡσσήθησάν τε μάχῃ οἱ Βανδίλοι πρὸς Μαυρουσίων τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ, ὧν ἦρχεν Ἀντάλας, καὶ σφίσι ξυνηνέχθη Θευδερίχῳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ ἔκ τε συμμάχων καὶ φίλων πολεμίοις γενέσθαι. [4] τήν τε γὰρ Ἀμαλαφρίδαν ἐν φυλακῇ ἔσχον καὶ τοὺς Γότθους διέφθειραν ἅπαντας, ἐπενεγκόντες αὐτοῖς νεωτερίζειν ἔς τε Βανδίλους καὶ Ἰλδέριχον. [5] τίσις μέντοι οὐδεμία πρὸς Θευδερίχου ἐγένετο, ἐπεὶ ἀδύνατος ἐνόμισεν εἶναι στόλῳ μεγάλῳ ἐς Λιβύην στρατεῦσαι, Ἰλδέριχος δὲ φίλος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα Ἰουστινιανῷ καὶ ξένος ἐγένετο, οὔπω μὲν ἥκοντι ἐς βασιλείαν, διοικουμένῳ δὲ αὐτὴν κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν, ἐπεί οἱ ὁ θεῖος Ἰουστῖνος ὑπέργηρώς τε ὢν ἐβασίλευε καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν πραγμάτων οὐ παντελῶς ἔμπειρος. χρήμασί τε μεγάλοις ἀλλήλους ἐδωροῦντο. [6] Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Γιζερίχου γένει Γελίμερ ὁ Γειλάριδος τοῦ Γένζωνος τοῦ Γιζερίχου πόρρω που ἡλικίας ἥκων μετά γε Ἰλδέριχον, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐπίδοξος ὢν αὐτίκα μάλα ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφίξεσθαι: [7] ὃς τὰ μὲν πολέμια ἐδόκει τῶν καθ̓ αὑτὸν ἄριστος εἶναι, ἄλλως δὲ δεινός τε ἦν καὶ κακοήθης καὶ πράγμασί τε νεωτέροις καὶ χρήμασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι ἀλλοτρίοις ἐξεπιστάμενος. [8] οὗτος ὁ Γελίμερ ἐπεί οἱ μέλλουσαν ἑώρα τὴν ἀρχήν, οὐκ ἐδύνατο ἐν τῷ καθεστῶτι τρόπῳ βιοτεύειν, ἀλλὰ τὰ βασιλέως ἔργα προσποιησάμενος ἐπεβάτευε τῆς τιμῆς, ἀώρου γε αὐτῷ οὔσης: καὶ Ἰλδερίχου δἰ ἐπιείκειαν ἐνδιδόντος κατέχειν οὐκέτι οἷός τε ἦν τὴν διάνοιαν, ἀλλὰ Βανδίλων ἑταιρισάμενος εἴ τι ἄριστον ἦν, ἀναπείθει ἀφελέσθαι μὲν Ἰλδέριχον τὴν βασιλείαν, ὡς ἀπόλεμόν τε καὶ ἡσσημένον πρὸς Μαυρουσίων, καὶ Ἰουστίνῳ βασιλεῖ καταπροδιδόντα τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων κράτος, ὡς μὴ ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης οἰκίας ὄντα ἡ βασιλεία ἥκοι: τοῦτο γάρ οἱ βούλεσθαι τὴν ἐς Βυζάντιον πρεσβείαν διέβαλλεν, αὐτῷ δὲ παραδιδόναι τὸ Βανδίλων κράτος. οἱ δὲ ἀναπεισθέντες κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. [9] οὕτω δὴ Γελίμερ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἐπιλαβόμενος Ἰλδέριχόν τε, ἕβδομον ἔτος Βανδίλων ἄρξαντα, καὶ Ὁάμερα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Εὐαγέην ἐν φυλακῇ ἔσχεν. [10] Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσεν, ἤδη τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβών, πρέσβεις ἐς Λιβύην ὡς Γελίμερα πέμ
ψας ἔγραψε τάδε: ‘Οὐχ ὅσια ποιεῖς οὐδὲ τῶν Γιζερίχου διαθηκῶν ἄξια, γέροντά τε καὶ ξυγγενῆ καὶ βασιλέα Βανδίλων, εἴ τι τῶν Γιζερίχῳ βεβουλευμένων ὄφελός ἐστιν, ἐν φυλακῇ ἔχων, καὶ βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρούμενος, ἐξὸν αὐτὴν ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον χρόνῳ κατὰ νόμον λαβεῖν. [11] μήτε οὖν ἐργάσῃ περαιτέρω κακὸν μήτε τοῦ βασιλέως ὀνόματος ἀνταλλάξῃ τὴν τοῦ τυράννου προσηγορίαν, βραχεῖ προτερεύουσαν χρόνῳ. [12] ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μέν, ἄνδρα ὅσον οὔπω τεθνηξόμενον, ἔα φέρεσθαι τῷ λόγῳ τὴν τῆς βασιλείας εἰκόνα, σὺ δὲ ἅπαντα πρᾶττε ὅσα βασιλέα πράττειν εἰκός: προσδέχου τε ἀπὸ τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τοῦ Γιζερίχου νόμου μόνον λαβεῖν τὸ τοῦ πράγματος ὄνομα. [13] ταῦτα γάρ σοι ποιοῦντι τά τε ἀπὸ τοῦ κρείττονος εὐμενῆ ἔσται καὶ τὰ παῤ ἡμῶν φίλια.’ [14] Τοσαῦτα μὲν ἡ γραφὴ ἐδήλου. Γελίμερ δὲ τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψε, καὶ τόν τε Ὁάμερα ἐξετύφλωσε τόν τε Ἰλδέριχον καὶ Εὐαγέην ἐν μείζονι φυλακῇ ἐποιήσατο, ἐπικαλέσας φυγὴν ἐς Βυζάντιον μελετᾶν. [15] ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, πρέσβεις ἑτέρους πέμψας ἔγραψε τάδε ‘Ἡμεῖς μὲν οἰόμενοί σε οὔποτε τῆς ἡμετέρας συμβουλῆς ἀπ̓ ἐναντίας ἥξειν ἐγράψαμέν σοι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τὴν προτέραν. [16] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀρέσκει σοι τὴν βασιλείαν οὕτω κεκτῆσθαι ὡς νῦν ἔχεις λαβών, ἀπόλαβε ὅ τι ἂν ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁ δαίμων διδῷ. [17] σὺ δὲ Ἰλδέριχόν τε καὶ Ὁάμερα τὸν πηρὸν καὶ τούτου τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὡς ἡμᾶς πέμπε, παραψυχὴν ἕξοντας ἣν ἔχειν εἰσὶ δυνατοὶ ὅσοι τὴν βασιλείαν ἢ τὴν ὄψιν ἀφῄρηνται: [18] ὡς οὐκ ἐπιτρέψομέν γε, ἢν μὴ ταῦτα ποιῇς. ἐνάγει γὰρ ἡμᾶς ἡ ἐλπὶς ἣν εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν φιλίαν ἔσχον. [19] αἵ τε σπονδαὶ ἡμῖν αἱ πρὸς Γιζέριχον ἐκποδὼν στήσονται. τῷ γὰρ ἐκδεξαμένῳ τὴν ἐκείνου βασιλείαν ἐρχόμεθα οὐ πολεμήσοντες, ἀλλὰ τὰ δυνατὰ τιμωρήσοντες.’ [20] Ταῦτα Γελίμερ ἀναλεξάμενος ἠμείβετο τοῖσδε ‘Βασιλεὺς Γελίμερ Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ. οὔτε βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔλαβον οὔτε τί μοι ἀνόσιον ἐς ξυγγενεῖς τοὺς ἐμοὺς εἴργασται. [21] Ἰλδέριχον γὰρ νεώτερα πράσσοντα ἐς οἶκον τὸν Γιζερίχου καθεῖλε τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων ἔθνος: ἐμὲ δὲ ὁ χρόνος ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκάλεσε, κατά γε τὸν νόμον τὰ πρεσβεῖα διδούς. [22] τὴν δὲ ὑπάρχουσαν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτόν τινα διοικεῖσθαι καλὸν καὶ μὴ ἀλλοτρίας οἰκειοῦσθαι φροντίδας. [23] ὥστε καὶ σοὶ βασιλείαν ἔχοντι τὸ περιέργῳ εἶναι οὐ δίκαιον: λύοντι δέ σοι τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ ἐφ̓ ἡμᾶς ἰόντι ἀπαντήσομεν ὅση δύναμις, μαρτυρόμενοι τοὺς ὅρκους τοὺς Ζήνωνι ὀμωμοσμένους, οὗ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν [24] ἔχεις.’ ταῦτα λαβὼν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς τὰ γράμματα, ἔχων καὶ πρότερον δἰ ὀργῆς Γελίμερα, [25] ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν τιμωρίαν ἐπῆρτο. καί οἱ ἔδοξε καταλύσαντι ὡς τάχιστα τὸν Μηδικὸν πόλεμον ἐς Λιβύην στρατεῦσαι, καί ῾ἦν γὰρ ἐπινοῆσαί τε ὀξὺς καὶ ἄοκνος τὰ βεβουλευμένα ἐπιτελέσαἰ παρῆν μὲν αὐτῷ μετάπεμπτος ὁ τῆς ἑῴας στρατηγὸς Βελισάριος, οὐχ ὅτι ἐς Λιβύην στρατηγήσειν μέλλοι προειρημένον αὐτῷ ἢ ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν, ἀλλὰ τῷ λόγῳ παραλέλυτο ἧς εἶχεν ἀρχῆς. [26] γεγόνασι δὲ αὐτίκα αἱ πρὸς Πέρσας σπονδαί, ὡς ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη.
IX
[523 A.D.] And Ilderic, the son of Honoric, the son of Gizeric, next received the kingdom, a ruler who was easily approached by his subjects and altogether gentle, and he shewed himself harsh neither to the Christians nor to anyone else, but in regard to affairs of war he was a weakling and did not wish this thing even to come to his ears. Hoamer, accordingly, his nephew and an able warrior, led the armies against any with whom the Vandals were at war; he it was whom they called the Achilles of the Vandals. During the reign of this Ilderic the Vandals were defeated in Byzacium by the Moors, who were ruled by Antalas, and it so fell out that they became enemies instead of allies and friends to Theoderic and the Goths in Italy. For they put Amalafrida in prison and destroyed all the Goths, charging them with revolutionary designs against the Vandals and Ilderic. However, no revenge came from Theoderic, for he considered himself unable to gather a great fleet and make an expedition into Libya, and Ilderic was a very particular friend and guest-friend of Justinian, who had not yet come to the throne, but was administering the government according to his pleasure; for his uncle Justinus, who was emperor, was very old and not altogether experienced in matters of state. And Ilderic and Justinian made large presents of money to each other.
Now there was a certain man in the family of Gizeric, Gelimer, the son of Geilaris, the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric, who was of such age as to be second only to Ilderic, and for this reason he was expected to come into the kingdom very soon. This man was thought to be the best warrior of his time, but for the rest he was a cunning fellow and base at heart and well versed in undertaking revolutionary enterprises and in laying hold upon the money of others. Now this Gelimer, when he saw the power coming to him, was not able to live in his accustomed way, but assumed to himself the tasks of a king and usurped the rule, though it was not yet due him; and since Ilderic in a spirit of friendliness gave in to him, he was no longer able to restrain his thoughts, but allying with himself all the noblest of the Vandals, he persuaded them to wrest the kingdom from Ilderic, as being an unwarlike king who had been defeated by the Moors, and as betraying the power of the Vandals into the hand of the Emperor Justinus, in order that the kingdom might not come to him, because he was of the other branch of the family; for he asserted slanderously that this was the meaning of Ilderic’s embassy to Byzantium, and that he was giving over the empire of the Vandals to Justinus. And they, being persuaded, carried out this plan. [530 A.D.] Thus Gelimer seized the supreme power, and imprisoned Ilderic, after he had ruled over the Vandals seven years, and also Hoamer and his brother Euagees.
[527 A.D.] But when Justinian heard these things, having already received the imperial power, he sent envoys to Gelimer in Libya with the following letter: “You are not acting in a holy manner nor worthily of the will of Gizeric, keeping in prison an old man and a kinsman and the king of the Vandals (if the counsels of Gizeric are to be of effect), and robbing him of his office by violence, though it would be possible for you to receive it after a short time in a lawful manner. Do you therefore do no further wrong and do not exchange the name of kin
g for the title of tyrant, which comes but a short time earlier. But as for this man, whose death may be expected at any moment, allow him to bear in appearance the form of royal power, while you do all the things which it is proper that a king should do; and wait until you can receive from time and the law of Gizeric, and from them alone, the name which belongs to the position. For if you do this, the attitude of the Almighty will be favourable and at the same time our relations with you will be friendly.” Such was his message. But Gelimer sent the envoys away with nothing accomplished, and he blinded Hoamer and also kept Ilderic and Euagees in closer confinement, charging them with planning flight to Byzantium. And when this too was heard by the Emperor Justinian, he sent envoys a second time and wrote as follows: “We, indeed, supposed that you would never go contrary to our advice when we wrote you the former letter. But since it pleases you to have secured possession of the royal power in the manner in which you have taken and now hold it, get from it whatever Heaven grants. But do you send to us Ilderic, and Hoamer whom you have blinded, and his brother, to receive what comfort they can who have been robbed of a kingdom or of sight; for we shall not let the matter rest if you do not do this. And I speak thus because we are led by the hope which I had based on our friendship. And the treaty with Gizeric will not stand as an obstacle for us. For it is not to make war upon him who has succeeded to the kingdom of Gizeric that we come, but to avenge Gizeric with all our power.”
When Gelimer had read this, he replied as follows: “King Gelimer to the Emperor Justinian. Neither have I taken the office by violence nor has anything unholy been done by me to my kinsmen. For Ilderic, while planning a revolution against the house of Gizeric, was dethroned by the nation of the Vandals; and I was called to the kingdom by my years, which gave me the preference, according to the law at least. Now it is well for one to administer the kingly office which belongs to him and not to make the concerns of others his own. Hence for you also, who have a kingdom, meddling in other’s affairs is not just; and if you break the treaty and come against us, we shall oppose you with all our power, calling to witness the oaths which were sworn by Zeno, from whom you have received the kingdom which you hold.” The Emperor Justinian, upon receiving this letter, having been angry with Gelimer even before then, was still more eager to punish him. And it seemed to him best to put an end to the Persian war as soon as possible and then to make an expedition to Libya; and since he was quick at forming a plan and prompt in carrying out his decisions, Belisarius, the General of the East, was summoned and came to him immediately, no announcement having been made to him nor to anyone else that he was about to lead an army against Libya, but it was given out that he had been removed from the office which he held. And straightway the treaty with Persia was made, as has been told in the preceding narrative.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 373