There was a certain Godas among the slaves of Gelimer, a Goth by birth, a passionate and energetic fellow possessed of great bodily strength, but appearing to be well-disposed to the cause of his master. To this Godas Gelimer entrusted the island of Sardinia, in order both to guard the island and to pay over the annual tribute. But he neither could digest the prosperity brought by fortune nor had he the spirit to endure it, and so he undertook to establish a tyranny, and he refused to continue the payment of the tribute, and actually detached the island from the Vandals and held it himself. And when he perceived that the Emperor Justinian was eager to make war against Libya and Gelimer, he wrote to him as follows:
“It was neither because I yielded to folly nor because I had suffered anything unpleasant at my master’s hands that I turned my thoughts towards rebellion, but seeing the extreme cruelty of the man both toward his kinsmen and toward his subjects, I could not, willingly at least, be reputed to have a share in his inhumanity. For it is better to serve a just king than a tyrant whose commands are unlawful. But do thou join with me to assist in this my effort and send soldiers so that I may be able to ward off my assailants.”
And the emperor, on receiving this letter, was pleased, and he sent Eulogius as envoy and wrote a letter praising Godas for his wisdom and his zeal for justice, and he promised an alliance and soldiers and a general, who would be able to guard the island with him and to assist him in every other way, so that no trouble should come to him from the Vandals. But Eulogius, upon coming to Sardinia, found that Godas was assuming the name and wearing the dress of a king and that he had attached a body-guard to his person. And when Godas read the emperor’s letter, he said that it was his wish to have soldiers, indeed, come to fight along with him, but as for a commander, he had absolutely no desire for one. And having written to the emperor in this sense, he dismissed Eulogius.
Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὔπω πεπυσμένος τετρακοσίους τε στρατιώτας καὶ ἄρχοντα Κύριλλον ὡς τὴν νῆσον ξυμφυλάξοντας Γώδᾳ ἡτοίμαζεν. [2] ἤδη δὲ ξὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐς Καρχηδόνα στρατείαν ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε, πεζοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας μυρίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἔκ τε στρατιωτῶν καὶ φοιδεράτων συνειλεγμένους. [3] ἐν δὲ δὴ φοιδεράτοις πρότερον μὲν μόνοι βάρβαροι κατελέγοντο, ὅσοι οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι εἶναι, ἅτε μὴ πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἡσσημένοι, ἀλλ̓ ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἀφίκοιντο: [4] φοίδερα γὰρ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους σπονδὰς καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι: τὸ δὲ νῦν ἅπασι τοῦ ὀνόματος τούτου ἐπιβατεύειν οὐκ ἐν κωλύμῃ ἐστί, τοῦ χρόνου τὰς προσηγορίας ἐφ̓ ὧν τέθεινται ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦντος τηρεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ περιφερομένων, ᾗ ταῦτα ἄγειν ἐθέλουσιν ἄνθρωποι, τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς ὠνομασμένων ὀλιγωροῦντες. [5] ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν φοιδεράτων μὲν Δωρόθεός τε, ὁ τῶν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις καταλόγων στρατηγός, καὶ Σολόμων, ὃς τὴν Βελισαρίου ἐπετρόπευε στρατηγίαν: [6] ῾δομέστικον τοῦτον καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ὁ δὲ Σολόμων οὗτος εὐνοῦχος μὲν ἦν, οὐκ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς δὲ ἀνθρώπου τὰ αἰδοῖα ἐτύγχανεν ἀποτμηθείς, ἀλλά τις αὐτῷ τύχη ἐν σπαργάνοις ὄντι τοῦτο ἐβράβευσε:᾿ καὶ Κυπριανὸς καὶ Βαλεριανὸς καὶ Μαρτῖνος καὶ Ἀλθίας καὶ Ἰωάννης καὶ Μάρκελλος καὶ Κύριλλος, οὗ πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην: [7] στρατιωτῶν δὲ ἱππέων μὲν Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ Ἀϊγάν, ἐκ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντες, καὶ Βαρβᾶτος καὶ Πάππος, πεζῶν δὲ Θεόδωρος, ὅνπερ Κτεάνον ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν, καὶ Τερέντιός τε καὶ Ζάϊδος καὶ Μαρκιανὸς καὶ Σάραπις. [8] Ἰωάννης δέ τις ἐξ Ἐπιδάμνου ὁρμώμενος, ἣ νῦν Δυρράχιον καλεῖται, τοῖς τῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμόσιν ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει. [9] τούτων ἁπάντων Σολόμων μὲν ἑῷος ἐτύγχανεν ὢν ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐσχατιᾶς αὐτῆς, οὗ νῦν πόλις οἰκεῖται Δάρας, Ἀϊγὰν δὲ ἦν Μασσαγέτης γένος, οὓς νῦν Οὔννους καλοῦσιν: [10] οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης χωρία ᾤκουν. [11] εἵποντο δὲ αὐτοῖς Ἔρουλοι τετρακόσιοι, ὧν Φάρας ἦρχε, καὶ ξύμμαχοι βάρβαροι ἑξακόσιοι μάλιστα ἐκ τοῦ Μασσαγετῶν ἔθνους, ἱπποτοξόται πάντες: [12] ὧν δὴ ἡγοῦντο Σιννίων τε καὶ Βάλας, ἀνδρίας τε καὶ καρτερίας ἐς ἄκρον ἥκοντε. [13] ναῦς δὲ ἡ σύμπασα στρατιὰ πεντακοσίας ἦγε, καὶ αὐτῶν οὐδεμία πλέον ἢ κατὰ μυριάδας πέντε μεδίμνων φέρειν οἵα τε ἦν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἔλασσον ἢ κατὰ τρισχιλίους. [14] ναῦται δὲ τρισμύριοι ἐπέπλεον ἁπάσαις, Αἰγύπτιοί τε καὶ Ἴωνες οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ Κίλικες, ἀρχηγός τε εἷς ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἁπάσαις Καλώνυμος Ἀλεξανδρεὺς ἀπεδέδεικτο. [15] ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖα μακρά, ὡς ἐς ναυμαχίαν παρεσκευασμένα, ἐνενήκοντα δύο, μονήρη μέντοι καὶ ὀροφὰς ὕπερθεν ἔχοντα, ὅπως οἱ ταῦτα ἐρέσσοντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἥκιστα βάλλοιντο. [16] δρόμωνας καλοῦσι τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα οἱ νῦν ἄνθρωποι: πλεῖν γὰρ κατὰ τάχος δύνανται μάλιστα. ἐν τούτοις δὴ Βυζάντιοι δισχίλιοι ἔπλεον, αὐτερέται πάντες: περίνεως γὰρ ἦν ἐν τούτοις οὐδείς. [17] ἐστέλλετο δὲ καὶ Ἀρχέλαος, ἀνὴρ ἐς πατρικίους τελῶν, ἤδη μὲν τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ Ἰλλυριοῖς γεγονώς, τότε δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καταστὰς ἔπαρχος: οὕτω γὰρ ὁ τῆς δαπάνης χορηγὸς ὀνομάζεται. [18] στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτοκράτορα ἐφ̓ ἅπασι Βελισάριον βασιλεὺς ἔστελλεν, ὃς τῶν ἑῴων αὖθις καταλόγων ἦρχε. [19] καὶ αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μὲν δορυφόροι, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπασπισταὶ εἵποντο, ἄνδρες τε ἀγαθοὶ τὰ πολέμια καὶ τῶν περὶ ταῦτα κινδύνων ἀτεχνῶς ἔμπειροι. [20] γράμματά τε αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ἔγραφε, δρᾶν ἕκαστα ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ ἄριστα ἔχειν, ταῦτά τε κύρια εἶναι ἅτε αὐτοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὰ διαπεπραγμένου. βασιλέως γὰρ αὐτῷ ῥοπὴν τὰ γράμματα ἐποίει. [21] ὥρμητο δὲ ὁ Βελισάριος ἐκ Γερμανίας, ἣ Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν μεταξὺ κεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγίνετο τῇδε. [22] Γελίμερ δὲ Τριπόλεώς τε πρὸς Πουδεντίου καὶ Σαρδοῦς πρὸς Γώδα ἐστερημένος, Τρίπο
λιν μὲν ἀνασώσασθαι μόλις ἤλπισεν, ἀπωτέρω τε ᾠκημένην καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἤδη τοῖς ἀποστᾶσι ξυλλαμβανόντων, ἐφ̓ οὓς δὴ μὴ αὐτίκα στρατεύειν ἔδοξέν οἱ ἄριστα ἔχειν: ἐς δὲ τὴν νῆσον προτερῆσαι ἠπείγετο, πρὶν ἢ καὶ ἐς ταύτην ξυμμαχίαν ἐκ βασιλέως ἥκειν. [23] ἀπολέξας οὖν Βανδίλων χιλιάδας πέντε καὶ ναῦς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας στρατηγόν τε ἀποδείξας Τζάζωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔστελλε. [24] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Γώδαν τε καὶ Σαρδὼ θυμῷ τε πολλῷ καὶ σπουδῇ χρώμενοι ἔπλεον, βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς Βαλεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον προτέρους ἔστελλεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ προσδέξονται τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν ἐς τὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ χωρία. [25] καὶ ἐπειδὴ ὲν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἄμφω ἐγενέσθην, ἐνθύμιον βασιλεῖ ἐγένετο ἐντέλλεσθαί τι αὐτοῖν: ὃ καὶ πρότερον ἐθέλοντα λέγειν ἀσχολία τις λόγων ἑτέρων τὴν διάνοιαν περιλαβοῦσα ἐξέκρουσε. [26] μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὼ λέγειν ἔμελλεν ἃ ἐβούλετο, ἀλλὰ ξυμβαλὼν εὕρισκεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖν αἴσιον εἴη τὴν πορείαν ἐκκόψαι. [27] ἔπεμπεν οὖν τινας ἀπεροῦντας αὐτοῖν μήτε ἀναστρέφειν ἐς αὐτὸν αὖθις μήτε ἐκ τῶν νεῶν ἀποβαίνειν. [28] οἱ δέ, ἐπεὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, ἐκέλευον ξὺν βοῇ τε καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ μηδαμῶς ἀναστρέφειν, ἔδοξέ τε τοῖς παροῦσιν οἰωνός τε εἶναι οὐκ ἀγαθὸς τὸ γινόμενον καὶ οὔποτε τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκείναις τινὰ ἐκ Λιβύης ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήξειν. [29] πρὸς γὰρ δὴ τῷ οἰωνῷ καὶ ἀρὰν ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκειν ἐκ βασιλέως οὔτι ἑκόντος, ὥστε μὴ ἀναστρέφειν ὑπώπτευον. καὶ εἰ μέν τις αὐτὰ ἐς τὼ ἄρχοντε τούτω, Βαλεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον, ξυμβάλλοιτο, οὐκ ἀληθῆ εὑρήσει τὰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δόξαντα. [30] ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Μαρτίνου δορυφόροις Στότζας, ὃς δὴ καὶ βασιλεῖ πολέμιος ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιθέσθαι καὶ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἥκιστα ἀναστρέφειν, ἐφ̓ ὃν δὴ τὴν ἀρὰν ἐκείνην ὑποπτεύσειεν ἄν τις ξυνενεγκεῖν τὸ δαιμόνιον. [31] ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ ἔχει, ἀφίημι ἑκάστῳ ὅπη ἄν τις βούληται ἐκλογίζεσθαι. ὅπως δὲ ὅ τε στρατηγὸς Βελισάριος καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐστάλη, ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.
XI
The emperor, meanwhile, not having yet ascertained these things, was preparing four hundred soldiers with Cyril as commander, who were to assist Godas in guarding the island. And with them he also had in readiness the expedition against Carthage, ten thousand foot-soldiers, and five thousand horsemen, gathered from the regular troops and from the “foederati.” Now at an earlier time only barbarians were enlisted among the foederati, those, namely, who had come into the Roman political system, not in the condition of slaves, since they had not been conquered by the Romans, but on the basis of complete equality. For the Romans call treaties with their enemies “foedera.” But at the present time there is nothing to prevent anyone from assuming this name, since time will by no means consent to keep names attached to the things to which they were formerly applied, but conditions are ever changing about according to the desire of men who control them, and men pay little heed to the meaning which they originally attached to a name. And the commanders of the foederati were Dorotheus, the general of the troops in Armenia, and Solomon, who was acting as manager for the general Belisarius; (such a person the Romans call “domesticus.” Now this Solomon was a eunuch, but it was not by the devising of man that he had suffered mutilation, but some accident which befell him while in swaddling clothes had imposed this lot upon him); and there were also Cyprian, Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and the Cyril whom I have mentioned above; and the commanders of the regular cavalry were Rufinus and Aïgan, who were of the house of Belisarius, and Barbatus and Pappus, while the regular infantry was commanded by Theodorus, who was surnamed Cteanus, and Terentius, Zaïdus, Marcian, and Sarapis. And a certain John, a native of Epidamnus, which is now called Dyrrachium, held supreme command over all the leaders of infantry. Among all these commanders Solomon was from a place in the East, at the very extremity of the Roman domain, where the city called Daras now stands, and Aïgan was by birth of the Massagetae whom they now call Huns; and the rest were almost all inhabitants of the land of Thrace. And there followed with them also four hundred Eruli, whom Pharas led, and about six hundred barbarian allies from the nation of the Massagetae, all mounted bowmen; these were led by Sinnion and Balas, men endowed with bravery and endurance in the highest degree. And for the whole force five hundred ships were required, no one of which was able to carry more than fifty thousand medimni, nor any one less than three thousand. And in all the vessels together there were thirty thousand sailors, Egyptians and Ionians for the most part, and Cilicians, and one commander was appointed over all the ships, Calonymus of Alexandria. And they had also ships of war prepared as for sea-fighting, to the number of ninety-two, and they were single-banked ships covered by decks, in order that the men rowing them might if possible not be exposed to the bolts of the enemy. Such boats are called “dromones” by those of the present time; for they are able to attain a great speed. In these sailed two thousand men of Byzantium, who were all rowers as well as fighting men; for there was not a single superfluous man among them. And Archelaus was also sent, a man of patrician standing who had already been pretorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Illyricum, but he then held the position of prefect of the army; for thus the officer charged with the maintenance of the army is designated. But as general with supreme authority over all the emperor sent Belisarius, who was in command of the troops of the East for the second time. And he was followed by many spearmen and many guards as well, men who were capable warriors and thoroughly experienced in the dangers of fighting. And the emperor gave him written instructions, bidding him do everything as seemed best to him, and stating that his acts would be final, as if the emperor himself had done them. The writing, in fact, gave him the power of a king. Now Belisarius was a native of Germania, which lies between Thrace and Illyricum. These things, then, took place in this way.
Gelimer, however, being deprived of Tripolis by Pudentius and of Sardinia by Godas, scarcely hoped to regain Tripolis, since it was situated at a great distance and the rebels were already being assisted by the Romans, against whom just at that moment it seemed to him best not to take the field; but he was eager to get to the island before any army sent by the emperor to fight for his enemies should arrive there. He accordingly selected five thousand of the Vandals and one hundred and twenty ships of the fastest kind, and appointing as general his brother Tzazon, he sent them off. And so they were sailing with great enthusiasm and eagerness against Godas and Sardinia. In the meantime the Emperor Justinian was sending off Valerian and Martinus in advance of the others in order to await the rest of the army in the Peloponnesus. And when these two had embarked upon their ships, it came to the emperor’s mind that there was something which he wished to enjoin upon them, — a thing which he had wishe
d to say previously, but he had been so busied with the other matters of which he had to speak that his mind had been occupied with them and this subject had been driven out. He summoned them, accordingly, intending to say what he wished, but upon considering the matter, he saw that it would not be propitious for them to interrupt their journey. He therefore sent men to forbid them either to return to him or to disembark from their ships. And these men, upon coming near the ships, commanded them with much shouting and loud cries by no means to turn back, and it seemed to those present that the thing which had happened was no good omen and that never would one of the men in those ships return from Libya to Byzantium. For besides the omen they suspected that a curse also had come to the men from the emperor, not at all by his own will, so that they would not return. Now if anyone should so interpret the incident with regard to these two commanders, Valerian and Martinus, he will find the original opinion untrue. But there was a certain man among the body-guards of Martinus, Stotzas by name, who was destined to be an enemy of the emperor, to make an attempt to set up a tyranny, and by no means to return to Byzantium, and one might suppose that curse to have been turned upon him by Heaven. But whether this matter stands thus or otherwise, I leave to each one to reason out as he wishes. But I shall proceed to tell how the general Belisarius and the army departed.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 375