XV
But the mutineers, after plundering everything in Carthage, gathered in the plain of Boulla, and chose Stotzas, one of the guards of Martinus, and a passionate and energetic man, as tyrant over them, with the purpose of driving the emperor’s commanders out of all Libya and thus gaining control over it. And he armed the whole force, amounting to about eight thousand men, and led them on to Carthage, thinking to win over the city instantly with no trouble. He sent also to the Vandals who had run away from Byzantium with the ships and those who had not gone there with Belisarius in the beginning, either because they had escaped notice, or because those who were taking off the Vandals at that time took no account of them. Now they were not fewer than a thousand, and after no great time they joined Stotzas and the army with enthusiasm. And a great throng of slaves also came to him. And when they drew near Carthage, Stotzas sent orders that the people should surrender the city to him as quickly as possible, on condition of their remaining free from harm. But those in Carthage and Theodorus, in reply to this, refused flatly to obey, and announced that they were guarding Carthage for the emperor. And they sent to Stotzas Joseph, the secretary of the emperor’s guards, a man of no humble birth and one of the household of Belisarius, who had recently been sent to Carthage on some mission to them, and they demanded that Stotzas should go no further in his violence. But Stotzas, upon hearing this, straightway killed Joseph and commenced a siege. And those in the city, becoming terrified at the danger, were purposing to surrender themselves and Carthage to Stotzas under an agreement. Such was the course of events in the army in Libya.
But Belisarius selected one hundred men from his own spearmen and guards, and taking Solomon with him, sailed into Carthage with one ship at about dusk, at the time when the besiegers were expecting that the city would be surrendered to them on the following day. And since they were expecting this, they bivouacked that night. But when day had come and they learned that Belisarius was present, they broke up camp as quickly as possible and disgracefully and in complete disorder beat a hasty retreat And Belisarius gathered about two thousand of the army and, after urging them with words to be loyal to the emperor and encouraging them with large gifts of money, he began the pursuit of the fugitives. And he overtook them at the city of Membresa, three hundred and fifty stades distant from Carthage. There both armies made camp and prepared themselves for battle, the forces of Belisarius making their entrenchment at the River Bagradas, and the others in a high and difficult position. For neither of them saw fit to enter the city, since it was without walls. And on the day following they joined battle, the mutineers trusting in their numbers, and the troops of Belisarius despising their enemy as both without sense and without generals. And Belisarius, wishing that these thoughts should be firmly lodged in the minds of his soldiers, called them all together and spoke as follows: —
“The situation, fellow-soldiers, both for the emperor and for the Romans, falls far short of our hopes and of our prayers. For we have now come to a combat in which even the winning of the victory will not be without tears for us, since we are fighting against kinsmen and men who have been reared with us. But we have this comfort in our misfortune, that we are not ourselves beginning the battle, but have been brought into the conflict in our own defence. For he who has framed the plot against his dearest friends and by his own act has dissolved the ties of kinship, dies not, if he perishes, by the hands of his friends, but having become an enemy is but making atonement to those who have suffered wrong. And that our opponents are public enemies and barbarians and whatever worse name one might call them, is shewn not alone by Libya, which has become plunder under their hands, nor by the inhabitants of this land, who have been wrongfully slain, but also by the multitude of Roman soldiers whom these enemies have dared to kill, though they have had but one fault to charge them with — loyalty to their government. And it is to avenge these their victims that we have now come against them, having with good reason become enemies to those who were once most dear. For nature has made no men in the world either friends or opponents to one another, but it is the actions of men in every case which, either by the similarity of the motives which actuate them unite them in alliance, or by the difference set them in hostility to each other, making them friends or enemies as the case may be. That, therefore, we are fighting against men who are outlaws and enemies of the state, you must now be convinced; and now I shall make it plain that they deserve to be despised by us. For a throng of men united by no law, but brought together by motives of injustice, is utterly unable by nature to play the part of brave men, since valour is unable to dwell with lawlessness, but always shuns those who are unholy. Nor, indeed, will they preserve discipline or give heed to the commands given by Stotzas. For when a tyranny is newly organized and has not yet won that authority which self-confidence gives, it is, of necessity, looked upon by its subjects with contempt. Nor is it honoured through any sentiment of loyalty, for a tyranny is, in the nature of the case, hated; nor does it lead its subjects by fear, for timidity deprives it of the power to speak out openly. And when the enemy is handicapped in point of valour and of discipline, their defeat is ready at hand. With great contempt, therefore, as I said, we should go against this enemy of ours. For it is not by the numbers of the combatants, but by their orderly array and their bravery, that prowess in war is wont to be measured.”
So spoke Belisarius. And Stotzas exhorted his troops as follows: “Men who with me have escaped our servitude to the Romans, let no one of you count it unworthy to die on behalf of the freedom which you have won by your courage and your other qualities. For it is not so terrible a thing to grow old and die in the midst of ills, as to return again to it after having gained freedom from oppressive conditions. For the interval which has given one a taste of deliverance makes the misfortune, naturally enough, harder to bear. And this being so, it is necessary for you to call to mind that after conquering the Vandals and the Moors you yourselves have enjoyed the labours of war, while others have become masters of all the spoils. And consider that, as soldiers, you will be compelled all your lives to be acquainted with the dangers of war, either in behalf of the emperor’s cause, if, indeed, you are again his slaves, or in behalf of your own selves, if you preserve this present liberty. And whichever of the two is preferable, this it is in your power to choose, either by becoming faint-hearted at this time, or by preferring to play the part of brave men. Furthermore, this thought also should come to your minds, — that if, having taken up arms against the Romans, you come under their power, you will have experience of no moderate or indulgent masters, but you will suffer the extreme of punishment, and, what is more, your death will not have been unmerited. To whomsoever of you, therefore, death comes in this battle, it is plain that it will be a glorious death; and life, if you conquer the enemy, will be independent and in all other respects happy; but if you are defeated, — I need mention no other bitterness than this, that all your hope will depend upon the mercy of those men yonder. And the conflict will not be evenly matched in regard to strength. For not only are the enemy greatly surpassed by us in numbers, but they will come against us without the least enthusiasm, for I think that they are praying for a share of this our freedom.” Such was the speech of Stotzas.
As the armies entered the combat, a wind both violent and exceedingly troublesome began to blow in the faces of the mutineers of Stotzas. For this reason they thought it disadvantageous for them to fight the battle where they were, fearing lest the wind by its overpowering force should carry the missiles of the enemy against them, while the impetus of their own missiles would be very seriously checked. They therefore left their position and moved toward the flank, reasoning that if the enemy also should change front, as they probably would, in order that they might not be assailed from the rear, the wind would then be in their faces. But Belisarius, upon seeing that they had left their position and in complete disorder were moving to his flank, gave orders immediately to open the attack. And the troops o
f Stotzas were thrown into confusion by the unexpected move, and in great disorder, as each one could, they fled precipitately, and only when they reached Numidia did they collect themselves again. Few of them, however, perished in this action, and most of them were Vandals. For Belisarius did not pursue them at all, for the reason that it seemed to him sufficient, since his army was very small, if the enemy, having been defeated for the present, should get out of his way. And he gave the soldiers the enemy’s stockade to plunder, and they took it with not a man inside. But much money was found there and many women, the very women because of whom this war took place. After accomplishing this, Belisarius marched back to Carthage. And someone coming from Sicily reported to him that a mutiny had broken out in the army and was about to throw everything into confusion, unless he himself should return to them with all speed and take measures to prevent it. He there therefore arranged matters in Libya as well as he could and, entrusting Carthage to Ildiger and Theodorus, went to Sicily.
And the Roman commanders in Numidia, hearing that the troops of Stotzas had come and were gathering there, prepared for battle. Now the commanders were as follows: of foederati, Marcellus and Cyril, of the cavalry forces, Barbatus, and of infantry Terentius and Sarapis. All, however, took their commands from Marcellus, as holding the authority in Numidia. He, therefore, upon hearing that Stotzas with some few men was in a place called Gazophyla, about two days’ journey distant from Constantina, wished to anticipate the gathering of all the mutineers, and led his army swiftly against them. And when the two armies were near together and the battle was about to commence, Stotzas came alone into the midst of his opponents and spoke as follows:
“Fellow-soldiers, you are not acting justly in taking the field against kinsmen and those who have been reared with you, and in raising arms against men who in vexation at your misfortunes and the wrongs you have suffered have decided to make war upon the emperor and the Romans. Or do you not remember that you have been deprived of the pay which has been owing you for a long time back, and that you have been robbed of the enemy’s spoil, which the law of war has set as prizes for the dangers of battle? And that the others have claimed the right to live sumptuously all their lives upon the good things of victory, while you have followed as if their servants? If, now, you are angry with me, it is within your power to vent your wrath upon this body, and to escape the pollution of killing the others; but if you have no charge to bring against me, it is time for you to take up your weapons in your own behalf.” So spoke Stotzas; and the soldiers listened to his words and greeted him with great favour. And when the commanders saw what was happening, they withdrew in silence and took refuge in a sanctuary which was in Gazophyla. And Stotzas combined both armies into one and then went to the commanders. And finding them in the sanctuary, he gave pledges and then killed them all.
Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ἔμαθε, Γερμανὸν τὸν ἀνεψιὸν τὸν αὑτοῦ, ἄνδρα πατρίκιον, ἐς Λιβύην ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἔπεμψε. [2] καὶ Σύμμαχος δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Δόμνικος, ἄνδρες ἐκ βουλῆς, εἵποντο, ἅτερος μὲν ἔπαρχός τε καὶ χορηγὸς τῆς δαπάνης ἐσόμενος, Δόμνικος δὲ τῷ πεζῷ στρατῷ ἐπιστατήσων. Ἰωάννης γὰρ ἐτελεύτα ἤδη νοσήσας, ᾧ δὴ ἐπέκειτο ἡ τιμὴ αὕτη. [3] ἐπειδή τε ἐς Καρχηδόνα κατέπλευσαν, τούς τε παρόντας σφίσι στρατιώτας ὁ Γερμανὸς ἠρίθμει καὶ τῶν γραμματέων ἀναλεγόμενος τὰ βιβλία οὗ πάντα ἀναγέγραπται τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὰ ὀνόματα, εὕρισκε τὸ μὲν τριτημόριον τοῦ στρατοῦ ἔν τε Καρχηδόνι καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ἄν, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἅπαντας τῷ τυράννῳ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ξυντεταγμένους. [4] μάχης μὲν οὖν διὰ ταῦτα οὐκ ἦρχε, τοῦ δὲ στρατοπέδου ἐπεμελεῖτο ὡς μάλιστα. λογισάμενός τε ὡς τῶν πολεμίων ξυγγενεῖς ἢ ὁμοσκήνους τοὺς ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἀπολελειμμένους ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐπαγωγὰ πᾶσιν ἐφθέγγετο καὶ σταλῆναι πρὸς βασιλέως ἐς Λιβύην αὐτὸς ἔφασκεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἠδικημένοις μὲν στρατιώταις ἀμυνεῖ, κολάσει δὲ τοὺς ἀδικίας τινὸς ἐς αὐτοὺς ἄρξαντας. [5] ἅπερ οἱ στασιῶται πυνθανόμενοι κατ̓ ὀλίγους αὐτῷ προσχωρεῖν ἤρχοντο. καὶ αὐτοὺς ὁ Γερμανὸς τῇ τε πόλει ξὺν φιλοφροσύνῃ ἐδέχετο καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δοὺς ἐν τιμῇ εἶχε, τάς τε συντάξεις αὐτοῖς τοῦ χρόνου ἐδίδου καθ̓ ὃν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἐν ὅπλοις ἦσαν. [6] ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ περὶ τούτων λόγος περιφερόμενος ἐς ἅπαντας ἦλθἑ̣̣̓ κατὰ πολλοὺς ἤδη τοῦ τυράννου ἀποτασσόμενὁ̣̣̓ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἐσήλαυνον. [7] καὶ τότε δὴ Γερμανὸς ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως ἔσεσθαί οἱ πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους τὴν μάχην ἐλπίσας τὰ ἐς τὴν παράταξιν ἐξηρτύετο. [8] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Στότζας τοῦ μὲν κακοῦ ἤδη αἰσθόμενος, δεδιὼς δὲ μή οἱ καὶ πλειόνων στρατιωτῶν τῇ ἀποστάσει ἔτι μᾶλλον τὸ στράτευμα ἐλασσοῦσθαι ξυμβαίη, διακινδυνεύειν τε ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα ἠπείγετο καὶ τοῦ πολέμου ὀξύτερον ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι. [9] καὶ ἦν γάρ τις αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν ἐν Καρχηδόνι στρατιωτῶν ἐλπὶς ἀποστάσεως πέρι, ᾤετό τε αὐτούς, ἤν πὁ̣̣̓ σφίσιν ἄγχιστα γένηται, πόνῳ οὐδενὶ αὐτομολήσειν, ἐς πάντας τὴν ἐλπίδα ἐξενεγκών: ταύτῃ τε αὐτοὺς μάλιστα ἐπιρρώσας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα κατὰ τάχος ᾔει. [10] γενόμενός τε αὐτῆς ἄπο σταδίων πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα, ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο τῆς θαλάσσης οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, καὶ Γερμανὸς ἅπαν ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα διατάξας τε ὡς ἐς μάχην ἐξῆγε. [11] καὶ ἐπεὶ τῆς πόλεως ἔξω ἐγένοντο, ἠκηκόει γὰρ ὅσα ἐν ἐλπίδι ὁ Στότζας εἶχε, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [12] ‘Ὡς μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν δικαίως, ὦ ξυστρατιῶται, βασιλεῖ μέμψεσθε οὐδέ τι αἰτιάσεσθε τῶν εἰς ὑμᾶς αὐτῷ πεπραγμένων, οὐδεὶς ἄν, οἶμαι, τῶν πάντων ἀντείποι: [13] ὅς γε ὑμᾶς ἐξ ἀγροῦ ἥκοντας ξύν τε τῇ πήρᾳ καὶ χιτωνίσκῳ ἑνὶ ξυναγαγὼν ἐς Βυζάντιον τηλικούσδε εἶναι πεποίηκεν ὥστε τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα νῦν ἐφ̓ ὑμῖν κεῖσθαι. [14] ὡς δὲ οὐ περιυβρίσθαι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ πάντων δεινότατα παῤ ὑμῶν αὐτὸν πεπονθέναι τετύχηκε, [15] ξυνεπίστασθε καὶ ὑμεῖς δήπουθεν. ὧν δὴ τὴν μνήμην ὑμῖν ἐς ἀεὶ βουλόμενος διασώζεσθαι τὰς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αἰτίας ἀφῆκεν, ὄφλημα τοῦτό γε αὐτῷ μόνον ὀφείλεσθαι παῤ ὑμῶν ἀξιῶν, τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν πεπραγμένων αἰσχύνην. [16] ταύτῃ τοίνυν ἠγμένους ὑμᾶ�
� μεταμανθάνειν τε τὴν πίστιν εἰκὸς καὶ τὴν πρόσθεν ἀγνωμοσύνην ἐπανορθοῦν. [17] μετάμελος γὰρ ἐν δέοντι τοῖς ἐπταικόσιν ἐπιγινόμενος συγγνώμονας αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἠδικημένους ποιεῖν εἴωθεν, ὑπουργία τε εἰς καιρὸν ἐλθοῦσα τὸ τῶν ἀχαρίστων ὄνομα μεταβάλλειν φιλεῖ.’ [18] ‘Εὖ δὲ ὑμᾶς δεήσει κἀκεῖνο εἰδέναι, ὡς, ἢν ἐν τῷ παρόντι εὖνοι μάλιστα βασιλεῖ γένησθε, οὐδεμία τοῖς προλαβοῦσι λελείψεται μνήμη. [19] πᾶσα γὰρ πρᾶξις πέφυκεν ἀεὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐκ τῆς καταστροφῆς ὀνομάζεσθαι: ἁμάρτημά τε γεγονὸς ἅπαξ ἀποίητον μὲν οὐδ̓ ἂν ἐν χρόνῳ τῷ παντὶ γένοιτο, ἐπανορθωθὲν δὲ πράξεσι τῶν αὐτὸ εἰργασμένων ἀμείνοσιν εὐπρεποῦς τε τῆς σιωπῆς ἐπιτυγχάνει καὶ ἐς λήθην ὡς τὰ πολλὰ περιίσταται. [20] καίτοι, ἢν μὲν ὀλιγωρίᾳ τινὶ ἐς τούτους δὴ τοὺς καταράτους τὰ νῦν χρήσησθε, ὕστερον δὲ πολλοὺς πολέμους ὑπὲρ Ῥωμαίων ἀγωνιζόμενοι τὸ κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων πολλάκις ἀναδήσησθε κράτος, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ὁμοίως ἀνθυπουργηκέναι βασιλεῖ δόξαιτε. [21] οἱ γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς εὐδοκιμοῦντες οἷς ἥμαρτον εὐπρεπεστέραν τὴν ἀπολογίαν ἐς ἀεὶ φέρονται. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐς βασιλέα ταύτῃ πη λογιζέσθω ὑμῶν ἕκαστος. [22] ἐγὼ δὲ οὔτε ἀδικίας τινὸς εἰς ὑμᾶς ἄρξας, ἐνδειξάμενός τε πάσῃ δυνάμει τὴν εἰς ὑμᾶς εὔνοιαν, καὶ τὰ νῦν καθιστάμενος ἐς κίνδυνον τόνδε, τοσοῦτον αἰτεῖσθαι ἅπαντας ἔγνωκα: μηδεὶς ξὺν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους παρὰ γνώμην χωρείτω. [23] ἀλλ̓ εἴ τῳ ὑμῶν ἐκείνοις ἤδη βουλομένῳ ἐστὶ ξυντάττεσθαι, μηδὲν μελλήσας ξὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων στρατόπεδον ἴτω, τοῦτο μόνον ἡμῖν χαριζόμενος, ὅτι οὐ λάθρα ἡμᾶς, ἀλλ̓ ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς ἀδικεῖν ἔγνω. [24] τούτου γὰρ ἕνεκα οὐκ ἐν Καρχηδόνι, ἀλλ̓ ἐν μεταιχμίῳ γενόμενος τοὺς λόγους ποιοῦμαι, ὅπως ἂν μηδενὶ αὐτομολεῖν ἐς τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐθέλοντι ἐμπόδιος εἴην, παρὸν ἅπασι κινδύνου ἐκτὸς τὴν ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἐνδείκνυσθαι [25] γνώμην.’ Γερμανὸς μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. ταραχὴ δὲ πολλὴ ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ γέγονεν, ἐπεὶ πρῶτος ἠξίου αὐτὸς ἕκαστος εὔνοιάν τε τὴν ἐς βασιλέα τῷ στρατηγῷ ἐπιδείξασθαι καὶ ὅρκους δεινοτάτους ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀμεῖσθαι.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 400