XXII
After the death of Solomon, Sergius, who, as has been said, was his nephew, took over the government of Libya by gift of the emperor. And this man became the chief cause of great ruin to the people of Libya, and all were dissatisfied with his rule — the officers because, being exceedingly stupid and young both in character and in years, he proved to be the greatest braggart of all men, and he insulted them for no just cause and disregarded them, always using the power of his wealth and the authority of his office to this end; and the soldiers disliked him because he was altogether unmanly and weak; and the Libyans, not only for these reasons, but also because he had shown himself strangely fond of the wives and the possessions of others. But most of all John, the son of Sisiniolus, was hostile to the power of Sergius; for, though he was an able warrior and was a man of unusually fair repute, he found Sergius absolutely ungrateful. For this reason neither he nor anyone else at all was willing to take up arms against the enemy. But almost all the Moors were following Antalas, and Stotzas came at his summons from Mauretania. And since not one of the enemy came out against them, they began to sack the country, making plunder of everything without fear. At that time Antalas sent to the Emperor Justinian a letter, which set forth the following:
“That I am a slave of thy empire not even I myself would deny, but the Moors, having suffered unholy treatment at the hands of Solomon in time of peace, have taken up arms under the most severe constraint, not lifting them against thee, but warding off our personal enemy; and this is especially true of me. For he not only decided to deprive me of the maintenance, which Belisarius long before specified and thou didst grant, but he also killed my own brother, although he had no wrongdoing to charge against him. We have therefore taken vengeance upon him who wronged us. And if it is thy will that the Moors be in subjection to thy empire and serve it in all things as they are accustomed to do, command Sergius, the nephew of Solomon, to depart from here and return to thee, and send another general to Libya. For thou wilt not be lacking in men of discretion and more worthy than Sergius in every way; for as long as this man commands thy army, it is impossible for peace to be established between the Romans and the Moors.”
Such was the letter written by Antalas. But the emperor, even after reading these things and learning the common enmity of all toward Sergius, was still unwilling to remove him from his office, out of respect for the virtues of Solomon and especially the manner of his death. Such, then, was the course of these events.
But Solomon, the brother of Sergius, who was supposed to have disappeared from the world together with his uncle Solomon, was forgotten by his brother and by the rest as well; for no one had learned that he was alive. But the Moors, as it happened, had taken him alive, since he was very young; and they enquired of him who he was. And he said that he was a Vandal by birth, and a slave of Solomon. He said, moreover, that he had a friend, a physician, Pegasius by name, in the city of Laribus near by, who would purchase him by giving ransom. So the Moors came up close to the fortifications of the city and called Pegasius and displayed Solomon to him, and asked whether it was his pleasure to purchase the man. And since he agreed to purchase him, they sold Solomon to him for fifty pieces of gold. But upon getting inside the fortifications, Solomon taunted the Moors as having been deceived by him, a mere lad; for he said that he was no other than Solomon, the son of Bacchus and nephew of Solomon. And the Moors, being deeply stung by what had happened, and counting it a terrible thing that, while having a strong security for the conduct of Sergius and the Romans, they had relinquished it so carelessly, came to Laribus and laid siege to the place, in order to capture Solomon with the city. And the besieged, in terror at being shut in by the barbarians, for they had not even carried in provisions, as it happened, opened negotiations with the Moors, proposing that upon receiving a great sum of money they should straightway abandon the siege. Whereupon the barbarians, thinking that they could never take the city by force — for the Moors are not at all practised in the storming of walls — and at the same time not knowing that provisions were scarce for the besieged, welcomed their words, and when they had received three thousand pieces of gold, they abandoned the siege, and all the Leuathae retired homeward.
Ἀντάλας δὲ καὶ ὁ τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατὸς ξυνελέγοντο αὖθις ἐν Βυζακίῳ, καὶ αὐτοῖς Στότζας ξυνῆν, στρατιώτας τε ὀλίγους τινὰς καὶ Βανδίλους ἔχων. [2] Ἰωάννης δὲ ὁ Σισινιόλου, πολλὰ λιπαρούντων Λιβύων, στράτευμα ἀγείρας ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἦλθεν. [3] ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἱμέριος Θρᾷξ τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ καταλόγων ἄρχων, ὃν δὴ τότε Ἰωάννης ἐκέλευε πάντας ἐπαγόμενον τοὺς ταύτῃ καταλόγους ξὺν τοῖς ἑκάστῳ ἡγουμένοις ἐλθόντα ἐς χωρίον Μενεφέσση, ὅ ἐστιν ἐν Βυζακίῳ, [4] σφίσι ξυμμῖξαι. ὕστερον δὲ ἀκούσας ἐνταῦθα ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους, Ἱμερίῳ ἔγραφε τά τε ξυμπεσόντα δηλῶν καὶ σφίσιν ἐπαγγέλλων ἑτέρωθι ἀναμίγνυσθαι, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ μόνας, ἀλλὰ κοινῇ ἅπαντες ὑπαντιάσωσι τοῖς πολεμίοις. [5] τύχῃ δέ τινι οἱ ταῦτα τὰ γράμματα ἔχοντες ὁδῷ ἑτέρᾳ χρησάμενοι τὸν Ἱμέριον εὑρεῖν οὐδαμῇ ἴσχυσαν, ἀλλὰ ξὺν τῷ στρατῷ ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἐς τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων στρατόπεδον γέγονεν ὑπὸ ταῖς ἐκείνων χερσίν. [6] ἦν δέ τις ἐν τούτῳ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ νεανίας Σεβηριανός, Ἀσιατικοῦ παῖς, Φοῖνιξ, Ἐμεσηνὸς γένος, καταλόγου ἱππικοῦ ἄρχων. [7] ὃς δὴ μόνος ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφ̓ αὐτὸν στρατιώταις, πεντήκοντα οὖσι, τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθε. [8] καὶ χρόνον μὲν ἀντεῖχόν τινα, ἔπειτα δὲ πλήθει πολλῷ βιαζόμενοι ἐς λόφον ἀνέδραμον ἐνταῦθά πη ὄντα, οὗ δὴ καὶ φρούριον οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἦν. [9] διὸ δὴ ὁμολογίᾳ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐνταῦθα ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἀναβεβηκόσι παρέδωκαν. [10] οἱ δὲ οὔτε αὐτὸν οὔτε τῶν στρατιωτῶν τινα ἔκτειναν, ἀλλὰ ζωγρήσαντες ἅπαντας, Ἱμέριον μὲν ἐν φυλακῇ ἔσχον, τῷ δὲ Στότζᾳ τοὺς στρατιώτας παρέδοσαν, ὁμολογοῦντας σφίσι ξὺν προθυμίᾳ. πολλῇ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους στρατεύσεσθαι: τὸν μέντοι Ἱμέριον, ἢν μὴ τὰ ἐπαγγελλόμενα ποιῇ, κτείνειν ἠπείλουν. [11] ἐπήγγελλον δὲ πόλιν Ἀδραμητὸν ἐπιθαλασσίαν μηχανῇ τινι σφίσιν ἐνδοῦναι. καὶ ἐπεί οἱ ἰσχυρίζετο βουλομένῳ εἶναι, ἐπὶ Ἀδραμητὸν ξὺν αὐτῷ ᾔεσαν. [12] τῆς τε πόλεως ἀγχοῦ γενόμενοι Ἱμέριον μὲν ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν ξὺν στρατιώταις τῶν Στότζᾳ ἑπομένων τισὶν ἔπεμψαν, Μαυρουσίους δεδεμένους δῆθεν ἐφέλκοντα, αὐτοὶ δὲ ὄπισθεν εἵποντο. [13] καὶ τῷ Ἱμερίῳ εἰπεῖν τοῖς ἐφεστῶσι ταῖς τῆς πόλεως πύλαις ἐπέστελλον, ὡς νικῴη μὲν κατὰ κράτος ὁ βασιλέως στρατός, ἥξει δὲ Ἰωάννης αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα, πλῆθος Μαυρουσίων δορυαλώτων ἄγων ἀριθμοῦ κρεῖσσον: οὕτω τε τῶν πυλῶν σφίσιν ἀνοιγνυμένων, ἐντὸς τοῦ
περιβόλου ξὺν τοῖς ἅμα αὐτῷ ἰοῦσι γενέσθαι. [14] καὶ ὁ μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. Ἀδραμητηνοὶ δὲ οὕτως ἐξαπατηθέντες ῾οὐ γὰρ ἀπιστεῖν τῷ πάντων ἄρχοντι τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ στρατιωτῶν εἶχον̓ τὰς πύλας ἀναπετάσαντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἐδέχοντο. [15] τότε δὴ οἱ ξὺν τῷ Ἱμερίῳ ἐσβάντες σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη τὰς πύλας ἐπιτιθέναι τοὺς ταύτῃ φύλακας οὐκέτι εἴων, ἀλλὰ πάντα τῇ πόλει αὐτίκα ἐδέξαντο τὸν τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατόν. [16] ληισάμενοί τε αὐτὴν οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ φύλακας καταστησάμενοι ὀλίγους τινὰς ἀπηλλάσσοντο. [17] Ῥωμαίων δὲ τῶν ζωγρηθέντων τινὲς μὲν φεύγοντες ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἦλθον, ἐν οἷς Σεβηριανός τε καὶ Ἱμέριος ἦν. ἐκ Μαυρουσίων γὰρ τοῖς φεύγειν ἐθέλουσιν οὐ χαλεπὸν ἦν. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ξὺν τῷ Στότζᾳ οὔτι ἄκοντες ἔμειναν. [18] Χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τῶν τις ἱερέων, Παῦλος ὄνομα, ὃς δὴ ἐφεστήκει τῇ τῶν νοσούντων ἐπιμελείᾳ, κοινολογησάμενος τῶν λογίμων τισίν, ‘Αὐτὸς μέν,’ ἔφη, ‘ἐς Καρχηδόνα σταλήσομαι καὶ κατὰ τάχος ξὺν στρατῷ ἐπανήξειν ἐλπίδα ἔχω, ὑμῖν δὲ μελήσει τῇ πόλει τὸ βασιλέως [19] στράτευμα δέξασθαι.’ οἱ μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν βρόχοις τισὶν ἀνάψαντες νύκτωρ ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου καθῆκαν, ὁ δὲ παρὰ τῆς θαλάσσης τὴν ἠιόνα γενόμενος, ὁλκάδος τε ἁλιέων ἐπιτυχὼν ἐνταῦθά πη οὔσης χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἀναπείσας τοὺς ταύτης κυρίους ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπλει. [20] οὗ δὴ καταπλεύσας καὶ Σεργίῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν τόν τε λόγον ἅπαντα ἔφρασε καὶ στράτευμα λόγου ἄξιον ὡς Ἀδραμητὸν ἀνασωσομένῳ διδόναι ἠξίου. [21] καὶ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα Σέργιον ἥκιστα ἤρεσκεν, ἅτε τοῦ ἐν Καρχηδόνι στρατοῦ οὐ πολλοῦ ὄντος, ὅδε ὀλίγους οἱ στρατιωτας τινὰς διδόναι ἐδεῖτο, λαβων τε ἄνδρας οὐ πλέον ὀγδοήκοντα, ἐπενοει τοιάδε. [22] νηῶν τε ἄθροισιν καὶ ἀκάτων συχνῶν ποιησάμενος ναύτας τε πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐσεβίβασε καὶ Λίβυας ἄλλους, ἱμάτια περιβεβλημένους ἃ δὴ Ῥωμαίων οἱ στρατιῶται εἰώθασιν ἐνδιδύσκεσθαι. [23] ἄρας τε τῷ παντὶ στόλῳ εὐθὺ Ἀδραμητοῦ κατὰ τάχος ἔπλει. καὶ ἐπεὶ αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα ἐγεγόνει, πέμψας τινὰς λάθρα τοῖς τῆς πόλεως δοκίμοις ἐσήμαινεν ὡς Γερμανὸς ὁ βασιλέως ἀνεψιὸς ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔναγχος ἥκων Ἀδραμητηνοῖς λόγοι πολλοῦ ἄξιον στράτευμα πέμψειεν. [24] οἷς δὴ θαρσοῦντας ἐκέλευε τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην ἀνακλῖνἁ̣̣̓ σφίσι πυλίδα μίαν. [25] οἱ δὲ τὰ ἐπηγγελμένα ἐποίουν. οὕτω τε ὁ Παῦλος ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενος τούς τε πολεμίους ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε καὶ βασιλεῖ Ἀδραμητὸν ἀνεσώσατο: ἥ τε ἀμφὶ Γερμανῷ φήμη ἐνθένδε ἀρξαμένη ἄχρι ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἐχώρησεν. [26] οἱ δὲ Μαυρούσιοι καὶ ὁ Στότζας ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες κατ̓ ἀρχὰς μὲν κατωρρώδησάν τε καὶ ἐς τὰς Λιβύης ἐσχατιὰς φεύγοντες ᾤχοντο, ἔπειτα δὲ γνόντες τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον δεινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, ἑ̣̣̓ αὐτοὶ Ἀδραμητηνῶν φεισάμενοι πάντων τοιαῦτα πρὸς ἐκείνων πεπόνθασι. [27] διὸ δὴ πανταχῆ ἐπισκήψαντες ἀνόσια Λίβυας ἔργα εἰργάσαντο, οὐδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας φεισάμενοι, γέγονέ τε τότε ἀνθρώπων ἔρημος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἡ χώρα. [28] Λιβύων γὰρ τῶν ἀπολελειμμένων οἱ μὲν ἐς τὰς πόλεις διέφευγον, οἱ δὲ ἔς τε Σικελίαν καὶ νήσους τὰς ἄλλας. [29] οἱ μέντοι λόγιμοι σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες ἐς Βυζάντιον ἦλθον, ἐν τοῖς καὶ Παῦλος ἦν, ὁ τὴν Ἀδραμητὸν ἀνασωσάμενος βασιλεῖ. [30] οἵ τε Μαυρούσιοι ἀδεέστερον, ἅτε οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐπεξιόντος, ἦγόν τε καὶ ἔφερον ἅπαντα καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς ὁ Στότζας ἐν δυνάμει ὢν ἤδη. [31] Ῥωμαῖοι γὰρ αὐτῷ στρατιῶται πολλοὶ εἵποντο, οἱ μὲν αὐτόμολοι ἥκοντες, οἱ δὲ κατ̓ ἀρχὰς μὲν αἰχμάλωτοι γεγενημένοι, [32] ἐθελούσιοι δὲ αὐτοῦ μείναντες. Ἰωάννης δέ, οὗ δὴ λόγος τις ἦν ἐν Μαυρουσίοις, Σεργίῳ προσκεκρουκὼς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν.
XXIII
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