Now when Trajan and his men perceived this, since they had meanwhile been reinforced by the horsemen who had been standing near by in readiness, they charged at full speed against their pursuers. Then at length the Goths, being now outgeneraled and unexpectedly caught between the forces of their enemy, began to be killed indiscriminately. And there was great slaughter of them, and very few escaped to their camps, and that with difficulty; meanwhile the others, fearing for the safety of all their strongholds, shut themselves in and remained in them thereafter, thinking that the Romans would come against them without the least delay. In this action one of the barbarians shot Trajan in the face, above the right eye and not far from the nose. And the whole of the iron point, penetrated the head and disappeared entirely, although the barb on it was large and exceedingly long, but the remainder of the arrow immediately fell to the ground without the application of force by anyone, in my opinion because the iron point had never been securely fastened to the shaft. Trajan, however, paid no heed to this at all, but continued none the less killing and pursuing the enemy. But in the fifth year afterward the tip of the iron of its own accord began to project visibly from his face. And this is now the third year since it has been slowly but steadily coming out. It is to be expected, therefore, that the whole barb will eventually come out, though not for a long time. But it has not been an impediment to the man in any way. So much then for these matters.
Οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι εὐθὺς μὲν ἀπεγίνωσκόν τε τὸν πόλεμον καὶ ὅπως ἐνθένδε ἀναχωρήσωσιν ἐν βουλῇ εἶχον, πρός τε τοῦ λοιμοῦ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων διεφθαρμένοι, ἐς ὀλίγους τε ἤδη ἐκ μυριάδων περιεστηκότες πολλῶν, οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ καὶ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο τῷ μὲν λόγῳ πολιορκοῦντες, ἔργῳ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι πρὸς τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ πάντων ἀποκεκλεισμένοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων. [2] ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ στράτευμα ἕτερον ἐλθεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις κατὰ γῆν τε καὶ θάλασσαν ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἐπύθοντο, οὐχ ὅσον ἐτύγχανεν ὄν, ἀλλ̓ ὅσον ἡ τῆς φήμης ἐξουσία ποιεῖν ἴσχυε, κατωρρωδηκότες τὸν κίνδυνον τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιοῦντο. [3] ἔπεμψαν οὖν πρέσβεις ἐς Ῥώμην, Ῥωμαῖον ἄνδρα ἐν Γότθοις δόκιμον τρίτον αὐτόν, ὃς παρὰ Βελισάριον ἐλθὼν ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [4] ‘Ὡς μὲν οὐδετέροις ἡμῶν ἐς τὸ ξυμφέρον τὰ τοῦ πολέμου κεχώρηκεν ἐξεπίσταται ἡμῶν ἕκαστος ἐς αὐτὴν ἥκων τῶν ἐνθένδε δυσκόλων τὴν πεῖραν. [5] τί γὰρ ἄν τις ἑκατέρων ἀρνηθείη τῶν στρατοπέδων, ὧν γε οὐδετέροις ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ κεῖσθαι συμπέπτωκεν; [6] ὡς δὲ ἀξυνέτων ἐστὶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπέραντά τε ταλαιπωρεῖν βούλεσθαι, φιλονεικίας ἕνεκα τῆς αὐτίκα, καὶ λύσιν τῶν ἐνοχλούντων μηδεμίαν εὑρεῖν, οὐδεὶς ἄν, οἶμαι, τῶν γε οὐκ ὄντων ἀνοήτων ἀντείποι. [7] ὅταν δὲ ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχῃ, τοὺς ἑκατέρων ἡγουμένους προσήκει μὴ δόξης τῆς οἰκείας τὴν τῶν ἀρχομένων σωτηρίαν προΐεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τά τε δίκαια καὶ τὰ ξύμφορα οὐ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς σφῶν ἐναντίοις ἑλέσθαι, οὕτω τε τὴν διάλυσιν τῶν παρόντων ποιεῖσθαι δυσκόλων. [8] τὸ μὲν γὰρ τῶν μετρίων ἐφίεσθαι πᾶσι χαλεποῖς δίδωσι πόρον, τῷ δὲ φιλονείκῳ τὸ μηδὲν περαίνεσθαι τῶν δεόντων συμπέφυκεν. [9] ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν καταστροφῆς πέρι τοῦδε βουλευσάμενοι τοῦ πολέμου τὰ ξύμφορα ἑκατέροις προτεινόμενοι, ἐν οἷς τι καὶ τῶν δικαίων ἐλασσοῦσθαι οἰόμεθα, παῤ ὑμᾶς ἥκομεν. [10] ὅπως δὲ καὶ ὑμεῖς μὴ φιλονεικίᾳ τινὶ πρὸς ἡμᾶς χρώμενοι ξυνδιαφθείρεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ ξυνοίσοντα ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἑλέσθαι βουλεύσησθε. [11] προσήκει δὲ μὴ ξυνεχεῖ ῥήσει τοὺς λόγους ἀμφοτέρους ποιεῖσθαι, ἀλλ̓ ὑπολαμβάνοντας ἐκ τοῦ παραυτίκα, [12] ἤν τι μὴ ἐπιτηδείως εἰρῆσθαι δοκῇ. οὕτω γὰρ ἑκατέροις εἰρηκέναι τε διὰ βραχέος ὅσα σφίσι κατὰ νοῦν ἐστι καὶ τὰ δέοντα πεπραχέναι ξυμβήσεται.’ ἀπεκρίνατο Βελισάριος: [13] ‘Οὕτω μέν, ὅπως φατέ, προϊέναι τὸν διάλογον οὐδὲν κωλύσει, ὅπως δὲ εἰρηναῖά τε καὶ δίκαια πρὸς ὑμῶν λέγοιτο.’ [14] Αὖθις οὖν Γότθων οἱ πρέσβεις εἶπον: ‘Ἠδικήκατε ἡμᾶς, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπὶ φίλους τε καὶ ξυμμάχους ὄντας ὅπλα οὐ δέον ἀράμενοι. ἐροῦμεν δὲ ἅπερ καὶ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον οἰόμεθα ξυνεπίστασθαι. [15] Γότθοι γὰρ οὐ βίᾳ Ῥωμαίους ἀφελόμενοι γῆν τὴν Ἰταλίας ἐκτήσαντο, ἀλλ̓ Ὀδόακρός ποτε τὸν αὐτοκράτορα καθελὼν ἐς τυραννίδα τὴν τῇδε πολιτείαν μεταβαλὼν εἶχε. [16] Ζήνων δὲ τότε τῆς ἑῴας κρατῶν καὶ τιμωρεῖν μὲν τῷ ξυμβεβασιλευκότι βουλόμενος καὶ τοῦ τυράννου τήνδε τὴν χώραν ἐλευθεροῦν, Ὀδοάκρου δὲ καταλῦσαι τὴν δύναμιν οὐχ οἷός τε ὤν, Θευδέριχον ἀναπείθει τὸν ἡμῶν ἄρχοντα, καίπερ αὐτόν τε καὶ Βυζάντιον πολιορκεῖν μέλλοντα, καταλῦσαι μὲν τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχθραν τιμῆς ἀναμνησθέντα πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἧς τετύχηκεν ἤδη, πατρίκιός τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων γεγονὼς ὕπατος, Ὀδόακρον δὲ ἀδικίας τῆς ἐς Αὐγούστουλον τίσασθαι, καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτόν τε καὶ Γότθους τὸ λοιπὸν κρατεῖν ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως. [17] οὕτω τοίνυν παραλαβόντες τὴν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀρχὴν τούς τε νόμους καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν διεσωσάμεθα τῶν πώποτε βεβασιλευκότων οὐδενὸς ἧσσον, καὶ Θευδερίχου μὲν ἢ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν διαδεξαμένου τὸ Γότθων κράτος νόμος τὸ παράπαν οὐδεὶς οὐκ ἐν γράμμασιν, οὐκ ἄγραφός ἐστι. [18] τὰ δὲ τῆς εἰς θεὸν εὐσεβείας τε καὶ πίστεως οὕτω Ῥωμαίοις ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἐφυλάξαμεν, ὥστε Ἰταλιωτῶν μὲν τὴν δόξαν οὐδεὶς οὐχ ἑκὼν οὐκ ἀκούσιος ἐς τήνδε τὴν ἡμέραν μετέβαλε, Γότθων δὲ μεταβεβλημένων ἐπιστροφή τις οὐδαμῶς γέγονε. [19] καὶ μὴν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἱερὰ τιμῆς παῤ ἡμῶν τῆς ἀνωτάτω τετύχηκεν: οὐ γὰρ οὐδεὶς εἴς τι τούτων καταφυγὼν πώποτε πρὸς οὐδενὸς ἀνθρώπων βεβίασται, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάσας τὰς τῆς πολιτείας ἀρχὰς αὐτοὶ μὲν διαγεγόνασιν ἔχοντες, [20] Γότθος δὲ αὐτῶν
μετέσχεν οὐδείς. ἢ παρελθών τις ἡμᾶς ἐλεγχέτω, ἢν μὴ μετὰ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς ἡμῖν εἰρῆσθαι οἴηται. προσθείη δ̓ ἄν τις ὡς καὶ τὸ τῶν ὑπάτων ἀξίωμα Γότθοι ξυνεχώρουν Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς τοῦ τῶν ἑῴων βασιλέως ἐς ἕκαστον ἔτος κομίζεσθαι. [21] ὑμεῖς δέ, τούτων τοιούτων ὄντων, Ἰταλίας μὲν οὐ προσεποιεῖσθε κακουμένης ὑπὸ τῶν Ὀδοάκρου βαρβάρων, καίπερ οὐ δἰ ὀλίγου, ἀλλ̓ ἐς δέκα ἐνιαυτοὺς τὰ δεινὰ εἰργασμένου, νῦν δὲ τοὺς δικαίως αὐτὴν κεκτημένους, οὐδὲν ὑμῖν προσῆκον, βιάζεσθε. [22] οὐκοῦν ἐντεῦθεν ἡμῖν ἐκποδὼν ἵστασθε, τά τε ὑμέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχοντες καὶ ὅσα ληϊσάμενοι τετυχήκατε.’ Καὶ ὁ Βελισάριος: ‘Ἡ μὲν ὑπόσχεσις ὑμῶν βραχέα τε εἰρῆσθαι καὶ μέτρια προὔλεγεν, ἡ δὲ ῥῆσις μακρά τε καὶ οὐ πόρρω ἀλαζονείας ὑμῖν γέγονε. [23] Θευδέριχον γὰρ βασιλεὺς Ζήνων Ὀδοάκρῳ πολεμήσοντα ἔπεμψεν, οὐκ ἐφ̓ ᾧ Ἰταλίας αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοι: τί γὰρ ἂν καὶ τύραννον τυράννου διαλλάσσειν βασιλεῖ ἔμελεν; ἀλλ̓ ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἐλευθέρα τε καὶ βασιλεῖ κατήκοος ἔσται. [24] ὁ δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν τύραννον εὖ διαθέμενος ἀγνωμοσύνῃ ἐς τἄλλα οὐκ ἐν μετρίοις ἐχρήσατο: ἀποδιδόναι γὰρ τῷ κυρίῳ τὴν γῆν οὐδαμῆ ἔγνω. [25] οἶμαι δὲ ἔγωγε τόν τε βιασάμενον καὶ ὃς ἂν τὰ τοῦ πέλας ἑκουσίως μὴ ἀποδιδῷ ἴσον γε εἶναι. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν χώραν τὴν βασιλέως ἑτέρῳ τῳ οὔποτε οὐκ ἂν παραδοίην. [26] εἰ δέ του ἄλλου τυχεῖν βούλεσθε, λέγειν ἀφίημι.’ [27] Οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι: ‘Ὡς μὲν οὖν ἀληθῆ πάντα ἡμῖν εἴρηται οὐδὲ ὑμῶν τινα λέληθεν. ἡμεῖς δὲ ὅπως ἥκιστα φιλονεικεῖν δόξαιμεν, καὶ Σικελίας, τοσαύτης τε τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τοιαύτης τὸν πλοῦτον οὔσης, ὑμῖν ἐξιστάμεθα, ἧς δὴ ἐκτὸς Λιβύην ὑμᾶς ἀσφαλῶς κεκτῆσθαι οὐ δυνατόν.’ [28] Καὶ ὁ Βελισάριος: ‘Καὶ ἡμεῖς δὲ Γότθους Βρεττανίαν ὅλην ξυγχωροῦμεν ἔχειν, μείζω τε παρὰ πολὺ Σικελίας οὖσαν καὶ Ῥωμαίων κατήκοον τὸ ἀνέκαθεν γεγενημένην. [29] τοὺς γὰρ εὐεργεσίας ἢ χάριτός τινος ἄρξαντας τοῖς ἴσοις ἀμείβεσθαι ἄξιον.’ [30] Βάρβαροι: ‘Οὐκοῦν, ἤν τι καὶ περὶ Καμπανίας ὑμῖν ἢ Νεαπόλεως αὐτῆς εἴποιμεν, οὐκ ἂν δέξαισθε;’ [31] Βελισάριος: ‘Οὐ γάρ ἐσμεν κύριοι τὰ βασιλέως πράγματα διοικήσασθαι οὐχ ὅπη αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ ἐστίν.’ Βάρβαροι: ‘Οὐδ̓ ἢν χρήματα ῥητὰ φέρειν βασιλεῖ ἐφ̓ ἕκαστον ἔτος ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς τάξωμεν;’ [32] Βελισάριος: ‘Οὐ δῆτα. οὐ γὰρ ἄλλου του ἡμεῖς αὐτοκράτορες ἢ ὥστε τῷ κεκτημένῳ φυλάξαι τὴν χώραν.’ [33] Βάρβαροι: ‘Φέρε δή, στέλλεσθαι ῾̣̣̓μᾶς παρὰ βασιλέα ἀνάγκη καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον τὰς ξυνθήκας περὶ τῶν ὅλων ποιήσασθαι. δεῖ δὲ καὶ τακτόν τινα ὁρίζεσθαι χρόνον καθ̓ ὃν προσήκει τὰ στρατόπεδα ἐς ἐκεχειρίαν παρίστασθαι.’ [34] Βελισάριος: ‘Ἔστω: γινέσθω ταῦτα. οὐ γάρ ποτε ὑμῖν εἰρηναῖα βουλευομένοις ἐμποδὼν στήσομαι.’ [35] Τοσαῦτα εἰπόντες διελύθησάν τε ἐκ τῶν λόγων ἑκάτεροι καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις τῶν Γότθων ἐς τὸ σφέτερον στρατόπεδον ἀπεχώρησαν. [36] ἡμέραις δὲ ταῖς ἐπιγινομέναις συχνὰ παῤ ἀλλήλους φοιτῶντες τά τε ἀμφὶ τῇ ἐκεχειρίᾳ διετίθεντο καὶ ὅπως δὴ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῶν τινας ἐπισήμων ἑκάτεροι ἀλλήλοις ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ παρέχωνται.
VI
Now the barbarians straightway began to despair of winning the war and were considering how they might withdraw from Rome, inasmuch as they had suffered the ravages both of the pestilence and of the enemy, and were now reduced from many tens of thousands to a few men; and, not least of all, they were in a state of distress by reason of the famine, and while in name they were carrying on a siege, they were in fact being besieged by their opponents and were shut off from all necessities. And when they learned that still another army had come to their enemy from Byzantium both by land and by sea — not being informed as to its actual size, but supposing it to be as large as the free play of rumour was able to make it, — they became terrified at the danger and began to plan for their departure. They accordingly sent three envoys to Rome, one of whom was a Roman of note among the Goths, and he, coming before Belisarius, spoke as follows:
“That the war has not turned out to the advantage of either side each of us knows well, since we both have had actual experience of its hardships. For why should anyone in either army deny facts of which neither now remains in ignorance. And no one, I think, could deny, at least no one who does not lack understanding, that it is only senseless men who choose to go on suffering indefinitely merely to satisfy the contentious spirit which moves them for the moment, and refuse to find a solution of the troubles which harass them. And whenever this situation arises, it is the duty of the commanders on both sides not to sacrifice the lives of their subjects to their own glory, but to choose the course which is just and expedient, not for themselves alone, but also for their opponents, and thus to put an end to present hardships. For moderation in one’s demands affords a way out of all difficulties, but it is the very nature of contentiousness that it cannot accomplish any of the objects which are essential. Now we, on our part, have deliberated concerning the conclusion of this war and have come before you with proposals which are of advantage to both sides, wherein we waive, as we think, some portion even of our rights. And see to it that you likewise in your deliberations do not yield to a spirit of contentiousness respecting us and thus destroy yourselves as well as us, in preference to choosing the course which will be of advantage to yourselves. And it is fitting that both sides should state their case, not in continuous speech, but each interrupting the other on the spur of the moment, if anything that is said shall seem inappropriate. For in this way each side will be able to say briefly whatever it is minded to say, and at the same time the essential things will be accomplished.” Belisarius replied: “There will be nothing to prevent the debate from proceeding in the manner you suggest, only let the words spoken by you be words of peace and of justice.”
So the ambassadors of the Goths in their turn said: “You have done us an injustice, O Romans, in taking up arms wrongfully against us, your friends and allies. And what we shall say is, we think, well known to each one of you as well as to ourselves. For the Goths did not obtain the land of Italy by wresting it from the Romans by force, but Odoacer in former times dethroned the emperor, changed the government of Italy to a tyranny, and so held it. And Zeno, who then held the power of the East, though he wished to avenge his partner in the imperial office and to free this
land from the usurper, was unable to destroy the authority of Odoacer. Accordingly he persuaded Theoderic, our ruler, although he was on the point of besieging him and Byzantium, not only to put an end to his hostility towards himself, in recollection of the honour which Theoderic had already received at his hands in having been made a patrician and consul of the Romans, but also to punish Odoacer for his unjust treatment of Augustulus, and thereafter, in company with the Goths, to hold sway over the land as its legitimate and rightful rulers. It was in this way, therefore, that we took over the dominion of Italy, and we have preserved both the laws and the form of government as strictly as any who have ever been Roman emperors, and there is absolutely no law, either written or unwritten, introduced by Theoderic or by any of his successors on the throne of the Goths. And we have so scrupulously guarded for the Romans their practices pertaining to the worship of God and faith in Him, that not one of the Italians has changed his belief, either willingly or unwillingly, up to the present day, and when Goths have changed, we have taken no notice of the matter. And indeed the sanctuaries of the Romans have received from us the highest honour; for no one who has taken refuge in any of them has ever been treated with violence by any man; nay, more, the Romans themselves have continued to hold all the offices of the state, and not a single Goth has had a share in them. Let someone come forward and refute us, if he thinks that this statement of ours is not true. And one might add that the Goths have conceded that the dignity of the consulship should be conferred upon Romans each year by the emperor of the East. Such has been the course followed by us; but you, on your side, did not take the part of Italy while it was suffering at the hands of the barbarians and Odoacer, although it was not for a short time, but for ten years, that he treated the land outrageously; but now you do violence to us who have acquired it legitimately, though you have no business here. Do you therefore depart hence out of our way, keeping both that which is your own and whatever you have gained by plunder.”
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 445