X
But while these things were happening, Belisarius wrote to John and commanded him to begin operations. And he with his two thousand horsemen began to go about the land of Picenum and to plunder everything before him, treating the women and children of the enemy as slaves. And when Ulitheus, the uncle of Vittigis, confronted him with an army of Goths, he defeated them in battle and killed Ulitheus himself and almost the whole army of the enemy. For this reason no one dared any longer to engage with him. But when he came to the city of Auximus, though he learned that it contained a Gothic garrison of inconsiderable size, yet in other respects he observed that the place was strong and impossible to capture. And for this reason he was quite unwilling to lay siege to it, but departing from there as quickly as he could, he moved forward. And he did this same thing at the city of Urbinus, but at Ariminum, which is one day’s journey distant from Ravenna, he marched into the city at the invitation of the Romans. Now all the barbarians who were keeping guard there were very suspicious of the Roman inhabitants, and as soon as they learned that this army was approaching, they withdrew and ran until they reached Ravenna. And thus John secured Ariminum; but he had meanwhile left in his rear a garrison of the enemy both at Auximus and at Urbinus, not because he had forgotten the commands of Belisarius, nor because he was carried away by unreasoning boldness, since he had wisdom as well as energy, but because he reasoned — correctly, as it turned out — that if the Goths learned that the Roman army was close to Ravenna, they would instantly break up the siege of Rome because of their fears regarding this place. And in fact his reasoning proved to be true. For as soon as Vittigis and the army of the Goths heard that Ariminum was held by him, they were plunged into great fear regarding Ravenna, and abandoning all other considerations, they straightway made their withdrawal, as will be told by me directly. And John won great fame from this deed, though he was renowned even before. For he was a daring and efficient man in the highest degree, unflinching before danger, and in his daily life shewing at all times a certain austerity and ability to endure hardship unsurpassed by any barbarian or common soldier. Such a man was John. And Matasuntha, the wife of Vittigis, who was exceedingly hostile to her husband because he had taken her to wife by violence in the beginning, upon learning that John had come to Ariminum was absolutely overcome by joy, and sending a messenger to him opened secret negotiations with him concerning marriage and the betrayal of the city.
So these two kept sending messengers to each other without the knowledge of the rest and arranging these matters. But when the Goths learned what had happened at Ariminum, and when at the same time all their provisions had failed them, and the three months’ time had already expired, they began to make their withdrawal, although they had not as yet received any information as far as the envoys were concerned. Now it was about the spring equinox, and one year had been spent in the siege and nine days in addition, when the Goths, having burned all their camps, set out at daybreak. And the Romans, seeing their opponents in flight, were at a loss how to deal with the situation. For it so happened that the majority of the horsemen were not present at that time, since they had been sent to various places, as has been stated by me above, and they did not think that by themselves they were a match for so great a multitude of the enemy. However, Belisarius armed all the infantry and cavalry. And when he saw that more than half of the enemy had crossed the bridge, he led the army out through the small Pincian Gate, and the hand-to-hand battle which ensued proved to be equal to any that had preceded it. At the beginning the barbarians withstood their enemy vigorously, and many on both sides fell in the first encounter; but afterwards the Goths turned to flight and brought upon themselves a great and overwhelming calamity; for each man for himself was rushing to cross the bridge first. As a result of this they became very much crowded and suffered most cruelly, for they were being killed both by each other and by the enemy. Many, too, fell off the bridge on either side into the Tiber, sank with all their arms, and perished. Finally, after losing in this way the most of their number, the remainder joined those who had crossed before. And Longinus the Isaurian and Mundilas, the guards of Belisarius, made themselves conspicuous for their valour in this battle. But while Mundilas, after engaging with four barbarians in turn and killing them all, was himself saved, Longinus, having proved himself the chief cause of the rout of the enemy, fell where he fought, leaving the Roman army great regret for his loss.
Οὐίττιγις μὲν οὖν στρατῷ τῷ καταλοίπῳ ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης ἰὼν τῶν χωρίων τὰ ὀχυρώματα πλήθει φρουρῶν ἐκρατύνατο, ἐν Κλουσίῳ μὲν τῇ Τούσκων πόλει χιλίους τε ἄνδρας καὶ ἄρχοντα Γιβίμερα ἀπολιπών, ἔν τε Οὐρβιβεντῷ τοσούτους, οἷς δὴ ἄρχοντα Ἀλβίλαν ἄνδρα Γότθον ἐπέστησε. καὶ Οὐλιγίσαλον ἐν τῇ Τουδέρᾳ ξὺν τετρακοσίοις κατέλιπεν. [2] ἐν δὲ δὴ Πικηνῶν τῇ χώρᾳ τετρακοσίους μὲν ἐς Πέτραν τὸ φρούριον εἴασεν, οἳ καὶ πρότερον ταύτῃ ᾤκηντο, ἐν Αὐξίμῳ δέ, ἣ πασῶν μεγίστη τῶν ἐκείνῃ πόλεών ἐστι, Γότθους τε ἀριστίνδην ξυνειλεγμένους τετρακισχιλίους κατέλιπε καὶ ἄρχοντα ἐς ἄγαν δραστήριον Οὐίσανδον ὄνομα, ξύν τε τῷ Μώρᾳ δισχιλίους ἐν Οὐρβίνῳ τῇ πόλει. [3] ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλα φρούρια δύο, Καισῆνά τε καὶ Μοντεφέρετρα, ὧν δὴ ἐν ἑκατέρῳ φρουρὰν οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ κατὰ πεντακοσίων ἀνδρῶν κατεστήσατο. αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ εὐθὺ Ἀριμίνου ὡς πολιορκήσων ἐχώρει. [4] Ἐτύγχανε δὲ Βελισάριος, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα Γότθοι τὴν πολιορκίαν διέλυσαν, Ἰλδίγερά τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον ξὺν ἱππεῦσι χιλίοις πέμψας, ἐφ̓ ᾧ δὴ ἑτέρας ὁδοῦ θᾶττον ἰόντες φθάσωσι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς Ἀρίμινον ἀφικόμενοι, καὶ σφίσιν ἐπέστελλεν Ἰωάννην μὲν καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ ἅπαντας ἐνθένδε ἐξαναστῆσαι ὡς τάχιστα, πολλοὺς δὲ ἀντ̓ αὐτῶν ἱκανοὺς μάλιστα ἐς τῆς πόλεως τὴν φυλακὴν καταστήσασθαι, ἐκ φρουρίου ἀφελομένους ὃ δὴ πρὸς κόλπῳ τῷ Ἰονίῳ ἐστίν, Ἀγκὼν ὄνομα, [5] δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδὸν Ἀριμίνου διέχον. ἤδη γὰρ αὐτὸ οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον κατειλήφει, Κόνωνα ξύν τε Ἰσαύρων καὶ Θρᾳκῶν στρατεύματι οὐκ ὀλίγῳ πέμψας. [6] ἤλπιζε γάρ, ἢν πεζοί τε καὶ μόνοι ἀρχόντων οὐκ ἀξιολόγων σφίσι παρόντων Ἀρίμινον ἔχωσιν, οὔποτε αὐτῆς ἐς πολιορκίαν Γότθων τὴν δύναμιν καταστήσεσθαι, ἀλλ̓ ὑπεριδόντας ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης αὐτίκα ἰέναι, ἤν τε Ἀρίμινον πολιορκεῖν ἐθελήσωσι, τοῖς τε πεζοῖς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐς πλείω τινὰ χρόνον ἀρκέσειν: [7] καὶ ὡς ἱππεῖς δισχίλιοι ἔξωθεν ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἰόντες πολλά τε κακά, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τοὺς πολεμίους ἐργάσονται καὶ ῥᾷον ἐς τῆς προσεδρείας αὐτοὺς τὴν διάλυσιν ξυνελάσουσι. [8] τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ Βελισάριος τοῖς ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ Ἰλδίγερα ταῦτα ἐπήγγελλεν. οἱ δὲ διὰ Φλαμινίας ὁδοῦ πορευόμενοι λίαν τε τοὺς βαρβάρους προτερήσαντε�
� ᾔεσαν. [9] ἅτε γὰρ ἐν πολλῷ ὁμίλῳ οἱ Γότθοι σχολαίτεροι ἐπορεύοντο, καὶ περιόδοις ἠναγκάζοντο μακραῖς τισι χρῆσθαι τῶν τε ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ καὶ τῶν ἐν Φλαμινίᾳ ὁδῷ ὀχυρωμάτων ἥκιστα ἐθέλοντες ἄγχιστά πη ἰέναι, ἐπεὶ αὐτὰ οἱ πολέμιοι, ὥσπερ μοι ἔμπροσθεν δεδήλωται, Ναρνίαν τε καὶ Σπολίτιον καὶ Περυσίαν εἶχον. [10] Ῥωμαίων δὲ τὸ στράτευμα, ἐπειδὴ τῇ Πέτρᾳ ἐνέτυχον, ὁδοῦ ποιούμενοι πάρεργον, ἀπεπειράσαντο τοῦ ταύτῃ φρουρίου. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὀχύρωμα οὐκ ἄνθρωποι ἐτεκτήναντο, ἀλλὰ τοῦ χωρίου ἡ φύσις ἐξεῦρεν: ὁδὸς γάρ ἐστιν ἐς ἄγαν κρημνώδης. [11] ταύτης δὲ τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν ποταμός τις οὐδενὶ ἐσβατὸς ὀξύτητι τοῦ ῥοῦ κάτεισιν, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν πέτρα ἀνέχει ἀπότομός τε καὶ ὕψους ἐς τόσον διήκουσα, ὥστε τοῖς κάτω οὖσι φαινόμενοι ἄνθρωποι, οἳ ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἑστήκασιν, ὄρνισι τοῖς μικροτάτοις μεγέθους πέρι εἰκάζονται. [12] προϊόντι τε διέξοδος οὐδεμία τὸ παλαιὸν ἦν. λήγουσα γὰρ ἡ πέτρα ἐς αὐτόν που μάλιστα τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸν ῥοῦν διήκει, διάβασιν τοῖς ταύτῃ ἰοῦσιν οὐδεμίαν παρεχομένη. [13] διώρυχα τοίνυν ἐνταῦθα οἱ πάλαι ἄνθρωποι ἐργασάμενοι, πυλίδα τῷ χωρίῳ ταύτῃ πεποίηνται. [14] φράξαντες δὲ καὶ τῆς ἑτέρας εἰσόδου τὸ πλεῖστον, πλήν γε δὴ ὅσον πυλίδα κἀνταῦθα λελεῖφθαι, φρούριόν τε αὐτοφυὲς ἀπειργάσαντο καὶ Πέτραν αὐτὸ λόγῳ τῷ εἰκότι ἐκάλεσαν. [15] οἱ οὖν ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ Ἰλδίγερα πρῶτον μὲν ἐς τῶν πυλίδων τὴν ἑτέραν μαχόμενοί τε καὶ πολλὰ βάλλοντες οὐδὲν ἤνυτον, καίπερ ἥκιστα σφᾶς ἀμυνομένων τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων, ἔπειτα δὲ διὰ τοῦ κρημνώδους κατόπισθεν τὴν ἄνοδον βιασάμενοι κατὰ κοφυφὴν λίθοις ἔβαλον ἐνθένδε τοὺς Γότθους. [16] οἱ δὲ ἐς τὰς οἰκίας δρόμῳ τε καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ ἐσελθόντες ἡσύχαζον. καὶ τότε Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπεὶ τῶν πολεμίων οὐδενὸς ἐπιτυγχάνειν οἶοί τε ἦσαν ταῖς τῶν λίθων βολαῖς, ἐπενόουν τάδε. [17] τμήματα μεγάλα ἐκ τοῦ σκοπέλου ποιούμενοι πολλοί θ̓ ἅμα ὠθοῦντες αὐτὰ ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας σταθμώμενοι ἐρρίπτουν. [18] τὰ δὲ ὅπη ἂν τῆς οἰκοδομίας καὶ κατὰ βραχὺ προσπίπτοντα ψαύοι, κατέσειέ τε ἱκανῶς ἅπαντα καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐς μέγα τι δέος καθίστη. [19] διὸ δὴ χεῖράς τε οἱ Γότθοι τοῖς ἔτι ἀμφὶ τὴν πυλίδα οὖσιν ὤρεγον καὶ ξὺν τῷ φρουρίῳ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὁμολογίᾳ παρέδοσαν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ κακῶν ἀπαθεῖς μείνωσι, βασιλέως τε δοῦλοι καὶ Βελισαρίου κατήκοοι ὄντες. [20] καὶ αὐτῶν Ἰλδίγερ τε καὶ Μαρτῖνος τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἀναστήσαντες ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ ξὺν αὑτοῖς ἦγον, ὀλίγους δέ τινας ξὺν τοῖς παισί τε καὶ γυναιξὶν αὐτοῦ εἴασαν. ἐλίποντο δέ τινα καὶ Ῥωμαίων φρουράν. [21] ἐνθένδε τε ἐς Ἀγκῶνα ἐλθόντες καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπαγαγόμενοι τῶν ἐκείνῃ πεζῶν ἐς Ἀρίμινον τριταῖοι ἀφίκοντο, τήν τε Βελισαρίου γνώμην ἀπήγγελλον. [22] Ἰωάννης δὲ οὔτε αὐτὸς ἕπεσθαι ἤθελε καὶ Δαμιανὸν ξὺν τοῖς τετρακοσίοις κατεῖχεν. οἱ δὲ τοὺς πεζοὺς αὐτοῦ ἀπολιπόντες κατὰ τάχος ἐνθένδε ξὺν τοῖς Βελισαρίου δορυφόροις τε καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς ἀνεχώρησαν.
XI
Now Vittigis with the remainder of his army marched toward Ravenna; and he strengthened the fortified places with a great number of guards, leaving in Clusium, the city of Tuscany, one thousand men and Gibimer as commander, and in Urviventus an equal number, over whom he set Albilas, a Goth, as commander. And he left Uligisalus in Tudera with four hundred men. And in the land of Picenum he left in the fortress of Petra four hundred men who had lived there previously, and in Auximus, which is the largest of all the cities of that country, he left four thousand Goths selected for their valour and a very energetic commander, Visandus by name, and two thousand men with Moras in the city of Urbinus. There are also two other fortresses, Caesena and Monteferetra, in each of which he established a garrison of not less than five hundred men. Then he himself with the rest of the army moved straight for Ariminum with the purpose of laying siege to it.
But it happened that Belisarius, as soon as the Goths had broken up the siege of Rome, had sent Ildiger and Martinus with a thousand horsemen, in order that by travelling more quickly by another road they might arrive at Ariminum first, and he directed them promptly to remove John from the city and all those with him, and to put in their place fully enough men to guard the city, taking them from the fortress which is on the Ionian Gulf, Ancon by name, two days’ journey distant from Ariminum. For he had already taken possession of it not long before, having sent Conon with no small force of Isaurians and Thracians. It was his hope that if unsupported infantry under commanders of no great note should hold Ariminum, the Gothic forces would never undertake its siege, but would regard it with contempt and so go at once to Ravenna, and that if they should decide to besiege Ariminum, the provisions there would suffice for the infantry for a somewhat longer time; and he thought also that two thousand horsemen, attacking from outside with the rest of the army, would in all probability do the enemy great harm and drive them more easily to abandon the siege. It was with this purpose that Belisarius gave such orders to Martinus and Ildiger and their men. And they, by travelling over the Flaminian Way, arrived long before the barbarians. For since the Goths were moving in a great throng, they proceeded in a more leisurely manner, and they were compelled to make certain long detours, both because of the lack of provisions, and because they preferred not to pass close to the fortresses on the Flaminian Way, Narnia and Spolitium and Perusia, since these were in the hands of the enemy, as has been stated above.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 449