But all the other inhabitants of Thule, practically speaking, do not differ very much from the rest of men, but they reverence in great numbers gods and demons both of the heavens and of the air, of the earth and of the sea, and sundry other demons which are said to be in the waters of springs and rivers. And they incessantly offer up all kinds of sacrifices, and make oblations to the dead, but the noblest of sacrifices, in their eyes, is the first human being whom they have taken captive in war; for they sacrifice him to Ares, whom they regard as the greatest god. And the manner in which they offer up the captive is not by sacrificing him on an altar only, but also by hanging him to a tree, or throwing him among thorns, or killing him by some of the other most cruel forms of death. Thus, then, do the inhabitants of Thule live. And one of their most numerous nations is the Gauti, and it was next to them that the incoming Eruli settled at the time in question.
On the present occasion, therefore, the Eruli who dwelt among the Romans, after the murder of their king had been perpetrated by them, sent some of their notables to the island of Thule to search out and bring back whomsoever they were able to find there of the royal blood. And when these men reached the island, they found many there of the royal blood, but they selected the one man who pleased them most and set out with him on the return journey. But this man fell sick and died when he had come to the country of the Dani. These men therefore went a second time to the island and secured another man, Datius by name. And he was followed by his brother Aordus and two hundred youths of the Eruli in Thule. But since much time passed while they were absent on this journey, it occurred to the Eruli in the neighbourhood of Singidunum that they were not consulting their own interests in importing a leader from Thule against the wishes of the Emperor Justinian. They therefore sent envoys to Byzantium, begging the emperor to send them a ruler of his own choice. And he straightway sent them one of the Eruli who had long been sojourning in Byzantium, Suartuas by name. At first the Eruli welcomed him and did obeisance to him and rendered the customary obedience to his commands; but not many days later a messenger arrived with the tidings that the men from the island of Thule were near at hand. And Suartuas commanded them to go out to meet those men, his intention being to destroy them, and the Eruli, approving his purpose, immediately went with him. But when the two forces were one day’s journey distant from each other, the king’s men all abandoned him at night and went over of their own accord to the newcomers, while he himself took to flight and set out unattended for Byzantium. Thereupon the emperor earnestly undertook with all his power to restore him to his office, and the Eruli, fearing the power of the Romans, decided to submit themselves to the Gepaedes. This, then, was the cause of the revolt of the Eruli.
Βελισάριος δὲ καὶ Ναρσῆς ξὺν ἀμφοτέροις στρατεύμασιν ἀλλήλοις ἀνεμίγνυντο ἀμφὶ πόλιν Φίρμον, ἣ κεῖται μὲν παρὰ τὴν ἠϊόνα τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου, ἀπέχει δὲ Αὐξίμου πόλεως ἡμέρας ὁδόν. [2] ἐνταῦθα δὲ ξὺν πᾶσι τοῖς τοῦ στρατοῦ ἄρχουσιν ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιοῦντο, ὅπη ποτὲ σφίσι πρότερον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἰοῦσι μᾶλλον ξυνοίσει. [3] ἤν τε γὰρ ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀρίμινον πολιορκοῦντας χωρήσειαν, τοὺς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ ὑπώπτευον μὴ κατὰ νώτου ἰόντες σφᾶς τε καὶ Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένους τὰ ἀνήκεστα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, δράσωσι, καὶ ἀμφὶ τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἐδείμαινον μὴ τῇ ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων δεινόν τι πάθωσιν. [4] οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι Ἰωάννῃ χαλεπῶς ἔχοντες ἐποιοῦντο τοὺς λόγους. ἐπεκάλουν γάρ οἱ ὅτι θράσει τε ἀλογίστῳ καὶ χρημάτων πολλῶν ἔρωτι ἐς τόσον κινδύνου ἀφίκοιτο, καὶ οὐκ ἐν τάξει οὐδὲ ᾗ Βελισάριος ἐξηγεῖτο ἐῴη τὰ τοῦ πολέμου περαίνεσθαι. [5] Ναρσῆς δὲ ῾καὶ γάρ οἱ φίλτατος ἦν Ἰωάννης ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων̓ δείσας μὴ Βελισάριος πρὸς τὰ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν εἰρημένα ἐνδοὺς ἐν δευτέρῳ τὰ ἐν Ἀριμίνῳ πράγματα θῆται ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [6] ‘Οὐκ ἐν τοῖς εἰωθόσι διαλογίζεσθε, ἄνδρες ἄρχοντες, οὐδὲ ὑπὲρ ὧν ἄν τις εἰκότως ἀμφιγνοήσειε τὴν βουλὴν ἔχετε, ἀλλ̓ ἐν οἷς πάρεστι καὶ τοῖς ἐς πολέμου πεῖραν οὐδεμίαν ἐλθοῦσι τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτοσχεδιάζουσιν ἑλέσθαι τὰ κρείσσω. [7] εἰ μὲν γὰρ ὅ τε κίνδυνος ἐν ἴσῳ εἶναι δοκεῖ καὶ βλάβος ἑκατέρωθεν τοῖς γε ἀποτυχοῦσιν ἀντίπαλον. βουλεύεσθαί τε ἱκανῶς ἄξιον καὶ λογίσμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἰοῦσιν οὕτω ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων διάγνωσιν. [8] ἡμεῖς δὲ εἰ μὲν τὴν ἐς Αὔξιμον προσβολὴν ἐς ἄλλον τινὰ χρόνον ἀποθέσθαι βουλοίμεθα, τὴν ζημίαν ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις οὐδαμῶς ἕξομεν: τί γὰρ ἂν μεταξὺ τὸ διαλλάσσον εἴη; ἐν Ἀριμίνῳ δέ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, σφαλέντες, εἰ μὴ λίαν πικρὸν εἰπεῖν ᾖ, τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἰσχὺν καταλύσομεν. [9] εἰ μὲν οὖν Ἰωάννης ἐς τὰς σὰς ἐντολὰς ὕβρισεν, ἄριστε Βελισάριε, πολλήν γε τὴν δίκην ἔχεις παῤ ἐκείνου λαβών, ἐπεί σοι πάρεστι σώζειν τε τὸν ἐπταικότα καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις προΐεσθαι. [10] σκόπει δὲ μὴ τὰς ποινὰς ὧν Ἰωάννης ἀγνοήσας ἥμαρτε παρὰ βασιλέως τε καὶ ἡμῶν λάβῃς. εἰ γὰρ νῦν Ἀρίμινον ἐξέλωσι Γότθοι, στρατηγόν τε αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαίων δραστήριον καὶ στράτευμα ὅλον καὶ πόλιν κατήκοον βασιλεῖ δορυάλωτον πεποιῆσθαι ξυμβήσεται. [11] καὶ οὐκ ἄχρι τούτου στήσεται τὸ δεινόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξύμπασαν καταστῆσαι τὴν τοῦ πολέμου δυνήσεται τύχην. οὑτωσὶ γὰρ λογίζου περὶ τῶν πολεμίων, ὡς πλήθει μὲν στρατιωτῶν ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἡμῶν παρὰ πολὺ προὔχουσιν, ἐς ἀνανδρίαν δὲ οἷς πολλάκις ἐσφάλησαν ἐμπεπτώκασιν. εἰκότως: τὸ γὰρ τῆς τύχης ἐναντίωμα πᾶσαν αὐτῶν τὴν παρρησίαν ἀφείλετο. [12] ἢν τοίνυν ἐν τῷ παρόντι εὐημερήσωσι, τό τε φρόνημα οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἀπολήψονται καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οὐκ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου μόνον ἡμῖν τῆς τόλμης, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλῷ μειζόνως τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε διοίσουσι. [13] φιλοῦσι γὰρ οἱ τῶν δυσκόλων ἀπαλλασσόμενοι τῶν οὔπω δεδυστυχηκότων ἀμείνους ἀεὶ τὰς γνώμας εἶναι.’ Ναρσῆς μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. [14] Στρατιώτης δέ τις ἐξ Ἀριμίνου λαθὼν τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν φυλακὴν ἔς τε τὸ στρατόπεδον ἦλθε καὶ Βελισαρίῳ γράμματα ἔδειξεν ἃ πρὸς αὐτὸν Ἰωάννης ἔγραψεν. [15] ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: ‘Ἅπαντα ἡμᾶς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χρόνου πολλοῦ ἐπιλελοιπέναι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν μήτε πρὸς τὸν δῆμον
ἀντέχειν ἡμᾶς ἴσθι μήτε τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀμύνεσθαι οἵους τε εἶναι, ἀλλ̓ ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ἀκουσίους ἡμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ πόλιν τήνδε τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐγχειριεῖν: [16] περαιτέρω γὰρ βιάζεσθαι τὴν παροῦσαν ἀνάγκην ἥκιστα ἔχομεν, ἥνπερ ἀπολογεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, ἤν τι οὐκ εὐπρεπὲς δράσωμεν, [17] ἀξιόχρεων οἶμαι.’ Ἰωάννης μὲν ἔγραψεν ὧδε. Βελισάριος δὲ διηπορεῖτό τε καὶ ἐς ἀμηχανίαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξέπιπτε. περί τε γὰρ τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἐδείμαινε καὶ τοὺς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ πολεμίους ὑπώπτευε δῃώσειν μὲν ἀδεέστερον ἅπαντα περιιόντας τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, σφῶν δὲ κατόπισθεν τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐνεδρεύσοντας, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἡνίκα ἂν τοῖς ἐναντίοις προσμίξειαν, πολλά τε κακὰ καὶ ἀνήκεστα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, διεργάσεσθαι. [18] ἔπειτα μέντοι ἐποίει τάδε. Ἀράτιον μὲν ξὺν χιλίοις ἀνδράσιν αὐτοῦ ἔλιπεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ πρὸς τῇ θαλάσσῃ στρατόπεδον ποιήσονται, πόλεως Αὐξίμου σταδίους διακοσίους ἀπέχον. [19] οὓς δὴ ἐκέλευε μήτε πη ἐξανισταμένους ἐνθένδε ἰέναι μήτε διαμάχεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, πλήν γε δὴ ὅσα ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἀμυνομένους, ἢν ἐκεῖνοί ποτε ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἴωσι. [20] ταύτῃ γὰρ τοὺς βαρβάρους μάλιστα ἤλπιζεν ἄγχιστά που στρατοπεδευομένων Ῥωμαίων ἔν τε Αὐξίμῳ ἡσυχῆ μενεῖν καὶ οὔποτε κακουργήσοντας σφίσιν ἕψεσθαι. [21] στρατιὰν δὲ ἀξιολογωτάτην ξὺν ναυσὶν ἔπεμψεν, ἧς Ἡρωδιανός τε καὶ Οὐλίαρις καὶ Ναρσῆς Ἀρατίου ἀδελφὸς ἦρχον. [22] αὐτοκράτωρ δὲ τῷ στόλῳ Ἰλδίγερ ἐφειστήκει, ᾧ δὴ εὐθὺ Ἀριμίνου Βελισάριος ἐπέστελλε πλεῖν, φυλασσομένῳ ὅπως μὴ μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένου τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατοῦ καταίρειν ἐς τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτὴν ἐγχειρήσωσιν: ὁδῷ γὰρ αὐτοὺς πορεύεσθαι τῆς ἠϊόνος οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν. [23] καὶ στρατιὰν μὲν ἄλλην, ἧς Μαρτῖνος ἦρχε, ταῖς ναυσὶ ταύταις παρακολουθοῦντας κατὰ τὴν παραλίαν ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι, ἐντειλάμενος, ἐπειδὰν ἄγχιστα τῶν πολεμίων ἵκωνται, πυρὰ πλείονα καὶ οὐ κατὰ λόγον τοῦ στρατοῦ καίειν, δόκησίν τε πλήθους πολλῷ πλείονος τοῖς ἐναντίοις παρέχεσθαι. [24] αὐτὸς δὲ ἄλλην ὁδὸν τῆς ἠϊόνος ἀπωτάτω οὖσαν ξύν τε Ναρσῇ καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ διὰ πόλεως Οὐρβισαλίας ᾔει, ἣν δὴ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις οὕτως Ἀλάριχος καθεῖλεν ὥστε ἄλλο γε αὐτῇ οὐδ̓ ὁτιοῦν ἀπολέλειπται τοῦ πρότερον κόσμου, ὅτι μὴ πύλης μιᾶς καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τοῦ ἐδάφους λείψανόν τι βραχύ.
XVI
BELISARIUS and Narses came together with their two armies near the city of Firmum, which lies on the shore of the Ionian Gulf, and is one day’s journey distant from the city of Auximus. In that place they began to hold conferences with all the commanders of the army, considering at what particular point it would be most to their advantage to make the first attack upon the enemy. For if, on the one hand, they should proceed against the forces besieging Ariminum, they suspected that the Goths in Auximus would in all probability, taking them in the rear, inflict irreparable harm both upon them and upon the Romans who lived in that region; but, on the other hand, they were anxious concerning the besieged, dreading lest by reason of their lack of provisions they should suffer some great misfortune. Now the majority were hostile toward John, and made their speeches accordingly; and the charge they brought against him was that he had been moved by unreasoning daring and a desire to gain great sums of money to place himself in his present dangerous position, and that he would not allow the operations of the war to be carried out in due order nor in the manner prescribed by Belisarius. But Narses, who loved John above all other men, beginning to be fearful lest Belisarius should give way to the words of the officers and treat the situation at Ariminum as of secondary importance, spoke as follows:
“Fellow officers, you are not debating a question of the customary sort, nor are you holding this council regarding a situation about which one would naturally be in doubt, but in circumstances where it is possible even for those who have had no experience of war to make their choice offhand and in so doing to choose the better course. For if it seems to be true that each of these two alternatives offers to those who fail an equal degree of danger and evenly balanced possibilities of mischief, it is altogether worth while to deliberate and to go most thoroughly into the arguments, and only then to make our decision regarding the situation before us. But if we should wish to put off the assault upon Auximus to some other time, the penalty we shall suffer will involve in no way any vital interest of ours; for what difference could arise during the interval? But if we fail at Ariminum, we shall in all probability, if it is not too bitter a thing to say, shatter the strength of the Romans. Now if John treated your commands with insolence, most excellent Belisarius, the atonement you have already exacted from him is surely ample, since it is now in your power either to save him in his reverse or to abandon him to the enemy. But see that you do not exact from the emperor and from us the penalty for mistakes committed by John through ignorance. For if the Goths capture Ariminum at the present juncture, it will be their good fortune to have made captive a capable Roman general, as well as a whole army and a city subject to the emperor. And the calamity will not stop with this, but it will also have such weight as to determine the fortune of the war in every field. For you should reason thus regarding the enemy, that they are still, even at the present time, far superior to us in the number of their soldiers, and they have lost their courage only because of the many reverses they have suffered. And this is natural; for the adversity of fortune has taken away all their confidence. If, therefore, they meet with success at the present time, they will at no distant date recover their spirit and thereafter they will carry on this war with a boldness, not merely equal to ours, but actually much greater. For it is a way with those who are freeing themselves from a difficult situation always to have a better heart than those who have not yet met with disaster.” Thus spoke Narses.
At this time a soldier who had escaped from Ariminum by slipping through the guard of the barbarians came into the camp and shewed Belisarius a letter which John had written to him, conveying the following message: “Know that for a long time all our provisions have been exhausted, that we are no longer able either to hold out against the populace or to ward off our assailants, and that within seven days we shall unwillingly surrender both ourselves and this city to the enemy; for beyond this time we are absolutely unable to overcome the necessity which is upon us, and this necessity, I think, will be a sufficient apology in our behalf, if we do anything which is unseemly.” Thus, then, did John write. But Belisarius, on his part, was sorely perplexed and plunged into the greatest uncertainty. For while he was fearful concerning the besieged, he suspected, at the same time, that the enemy in Auximus would overrun the whole country round about and plunder it with never a
fear, and also that they would ambush his own army from behind at every opportunity, and especially whenever he joined battle with his opponents, and would thus in all probability do the Romans great and irreparable harm. Finally, however, he did as follows. He left Aratius with a thousand men there, instructing them to make a camp by the sea, at a distance of two hundred stades from Auximus. These troops he commanded neither to move away from that position nor to fight a decisive action with the enemy, except in so far as to drive them off from the camp, if they should ever make an attack upon it. For he hoped by this course to make it certain that the barbarians, seeing Romans encamped close by, would remain quietly in Auximus and never follow his own army to do it harm. And he despatched by sea a very considerable army commanded by Herodian, Uliaris and Narses the brother of Aratius. But Ildiger was appointed commander-in-chief of the expedition, and he was instructed by Belisarius to sail straight for Ariminum, taking care not to attempt putting in to shore near the city while the land army was still far behind; for they would be proceeding by a road not far from the coast. And he ordered another army under command of Martinus to march along the coast, keeping near these ships, and instructing them that, when they came close to the enemy, they should burn a greater number of camp-fires than usual and not in proportion to the actual numbers of the army, and thus lead their opponents to believe their numbers to be much greater than they actually were. He himself, meanwhile, went by another road far removed from the shore with Narses and the rest of the army, passing through the city of Urvisalia, which in earlier times Alaric destroyed so completely that nothing whatever has been left of its former grandeur, except a small remnant of a single gate and of the floor of the adjoining edifice.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 454