XXV
AT this time the Franks, hearing that both Goths and Romans had suffered severely by the war, and thinking for this reason that they could with the greatest ease gain the larger part of Italy for themselves, began to think it preposterous that others should carry on a war for such a length of time for the rule of a land which was so near their own, while they themselves remained quiet and stood aside for both. So, forgetting for the moment their oaths and the treaties they had made a little before with both the Romans and the Goths (for this nation in matters of trust is the most treacherous in the world), they straightway gathered to the number of one hundred thousand under the leadership of Theudibert, and marched into Italy; they had a small body of cavalry about their leader, and these were the only ones armed with spears, while all the rest were foot-soldiers having neither bows nor spears, but each man carried a sword and shield and one axe. Now the iron head of this weapon was thick and exceedingly sharp on both sides, while the wooden handle was very short. And they are accustomed always to throw these axes at one signal in the first charge and thus to shatter the shields of the enemy and kill the men.
Thus the Franks crossed the Alps which separate the Gauls from the Italians, and entered Liguria. Now the Goths had previously been vexed at the thanklessness of the Franks, on the ground that, although they, the Goths, had often promised to give up to them a large territory and great sums of money in return for an alliance, these Franks had been unwilling to fulfil their own promise in any way; but when they heard that Theudibert was at hand with a great army, they were filled with rejoicing, lifted up, as they were, by the liveliest hopes and thinking that thereafter they would have the superiority over their enemy without a battle. As for the Germans, as long as they were in Liguria, they did no harm to the Goths, in order that these might make no attempt to stop them at the crossing of the Po. Consequently, when they reached the city of Ticinum, where the Romans of old had constructed a bridge over this river, those who were on guard there gave them every assistance and allowed them to cross the Po unmolested. But, upon getting control of the bridge, the Franks began to sacrifice the women and children of the Goths whom they found at hand and to throw their bodies into the river as the first-fruits of the war. For these barbarians, though they have become Christians, preserve the greater part of their ancient religion; for they still make human sacrifices and other sacrifices of an unholy nature, and it is in connection with these that they make their prophecies. And the Goths, upon seeing what was being done, fell into a kind of irresistible fear, took to flight and got inside the fortifications.
So the Germans, having crossed the Po, advanced to the Gothic camp, and the Goths were at first pleased to see them coming in small companies toward their camp, thinking that these men had come to fight in alliance with them. But when a great throng of Germans had come up and opened an attack, and by hurling their axes were already slaying many, they turned their backs and rushed off in flight, and passing through the Roman camp ran along on the road to Ravenna. And the Romans, seeing them in flight, thought that Belisarius had come to support their own force and had both taken the camp of the enemy and dislodged them from it after defeating them in battle. And wishing to join forces with him, they took up their arms and went forth with all speed. But coming unexpectedly upon a hostile army, they were compelled, much against their will, to engage with them, and being badly worsted in the battle, they all fled, not to their camp, to which it was now impossible to return, but to Tuscany. And when they had at length reached safety, they reported to Belisarius all that had befallen them.
The Franks, having defeated both armies, as has been said, and having captured both camps without a single man in them, for the time being found provisions in the camps; but in a short time they had consumed all these on account of their great numbers, and, since the land was destitute of human habitation, they were unable to obtain any provisions except cattle and the water of the Po. But they were unable to digest this meat because of the great quantity of water they drank, and consequently the most of them were attacked by diarrhoea and dysentery, which they were quite unable to shake off because of the lack of proper food. Indeed they say that at least one-third of the Frankish army perished in this way. Hence it was that, as they were unable to go forward, they remained where they were.
Now when Belisarius heard that an army of Franks was in Italy and that the forces of Martinus and John had been defeated in battle and had fled, he was reduced to a state of perplexity, concerned as he was, not only for the whole army, but especially for the detachment conducting the siege of Fisula, since he learned that these barbarians were nearer to them than to any others. He therefore wrote immediately to Theudibert as follows: “I consider it unseemly in any case, O noble Theudibert, for a man who lays claim to excellence to fail to be truthful, but especially so when he is a ruler, as thou art, of nations of such vast numbers. But to violate oaths which are set down in writing and to disregard treaties — this would not be proper even for the most ignoble of men. And yet these very offences have been committed by thee in the present case, as thou knowest thyself, although it was only recently that thou didst agree to assist us in this war against the Goths. But, as matters now stand, far from holding thyself aloof from both nations, thou hast actually taken up arms in this rash manner and made an attack upon us. Do not thou, at least, my excellent friend, follow such a course, and that too when it involves an insult to the great emperor, who would surely not be likely to overlook the insult, or fail to exact atonement in the fullest measure. Now the best course is for each man to keep his own possessions in safety, and not, by laying claim to the possessions of others, to involve himself in any danger which concerns his most vital interests.” When Theudibert had read this letter, perplexed as he was already by his present situation, and sharply reproached by the Germans, because, as they said, they were, for no good reason, dying in a deserted land, he broke camp with the survivors of the Franks and retired homeward with great speed.
Οὕτω μὲν Θευδίβερτος στρατεύσας ἐς Ἰταλίαν τὴν ἄφοδον ἐποιήσατο. οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον καὶ Ἰωάννην ἀνέστρεψαν οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, ὅπως μή τινα οἱ πολέμιοι ἔφοδον ἐπὶ σφῶν τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας ποιήσονται. [2] Γότθοι δὲ οἱ ἐν Αὐξίμῳ, Φράγγων μὲν ἀφίξεως πέρι οὐδὲν πεπυσμένοι, ἀπειρηκότες δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἐλπίδα οὕτω μέλλουσαν, αὖθις μὲν Οὐίττιγιν διενοοῦντο μαρτύρεσθαι, λαθεῖν δὲ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν φυλακὴν οὐχ οἷοί τε ὄντες ἐπένθουν. [3] μετὰ δὲ τῶν τινα Ῥωμαίων, Βέσον γένος Βουρκέντιον ὄνομα, ὑπὸ Ναρσῇ τεταγμένον τῷ Ἀρμενίῳ, μόνον ἰδόντες ἐς μέσην ἡμέραν φυλακὴν ἔχοντα, ὡς μή τις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τὴν πόαν ληψόμενος ἴοι, ἔς τε λόγους αὐτῷ ξυνῆλθον ἐγγυτέρω ἥκοντες καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δόντες ὡς οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὸν κακουργήσωσι ξυγγενέσθαι σφίσιν ἐκέλευον, ἔσεσθαί οἱ μεγάλα ἐπαγγειλαμένοις παρὰ σφῶν χρήματα. [4] καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐγένοντο, ἐδέοντο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιστολήν τινα ἐς Ῥάβενναν διακομίσαι, τάξαντες μέν οἱ ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα χρυσίον ῥητόν, πλέον δὲ ὑποσχόμενοι δώσειν, ἐπειδὰν σφίσιν Οὐιττίγιδος γράμματα ἐπανήκοι φέρων. [5] τοῖς δὲ χρήμασιν ὁ στρατιώτης ἀναπεισθεὶς ὑπουργήσειν τε ὡμολόγησε ταῦτα καὶ ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίησε τὴν ὑπόσχεσ
ιν. γράμματα γοῦν κατασεσημασμένα λαβὼν ἐς Ῥάβενναν κατὰ τάχος ἀφίκετο. καὶ Οὐιττίγιδι ἐς ὄφιν ἐλθὼν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐνεχείρισεν. [6] ἐδήλου δὲ τάδε: ‘Ὅπη μὲν ἡμῖν τὰ παρόντα ἔχει σαφῶς εἴσεσθε, πυνθανόμενοι ὅστις ποτὲ ὁ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς παραπομπὸς εἴη. [7] Γότθῳ γὰρ ἀνδρὶ ἔξω γενέσθαι τοῦ περιβόλου ἀμήχανά ἐστι. τῶν δὲ βρωμάτων ἡμῖν τὸ εὐπορώτατον ἡ παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος πόα τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἧς γε ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ὅσον ἅψασθαι τανῦν ἔξεστιν, ὅτι μὴ πολλοὺς ἀποβάλλουσιν ἐν τῷ ὑπὲρ ταύτης ἀγῶνι. ταῦτα ἐς ὅ τι ἡμῖν τελευτήσει σέ τε χρὴ καὶ Γότθους τοὺς ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ λογίζεσθαι.’ [8] Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ὁ Οὐίττιγις ἀνελέξατο, ἀμείβεται ὧδε: ‘Ἀναπεπτωκέναι δὲ ἡμᾶς, ὦ φίλτατοι ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων, οἰέσθω μηδείς, μηδὲ ἐς κακίας τοσόνδε ἥκειν ὥστε ῥᾳθυμίᾳ τὰ Γότθων καταπροΐεσθαι πράγματα. [9] ἐμοὶ γὰρ ἔναγχος ἥ τε τῆς ἐξόδου παρασκευὴ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ἤσκητο καὶ Οὐραΐας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐκ Μεδιολάνου μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν. [10] ἀλλ̓ ἡ Φράγγων ἔφοδος παραδόξως ἐπιπεσοῦσα πάντα ἡμῖν τὰ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἀνεχαίτισεν, ὧν ἔγωγε οὐκ ἂν τὴν αἰτίαν δικαίως φεροίμην. [11] ὅσα γὰρ μείζω ἢ κατὰ ἀνθρώπου δύναμίν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς ἐπταικόσι τὸ ἀνεγκλήτοις εἶναι χαρίζεται, τῆς τύχης ἐφ̓ ἑαυτὴν ἐπισπωμένης ἀεὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐγκλήματα. [12] νῦν μέντοι ῾καὶ γὰρ Θευδίβερτον ἐκποδὼν ἡμῖν γεγενῆσθαι ἀκούομεν̓ οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ὑμῖν, ἂν θεὸς θέλῃ, πάσῃ τῇ Γότθων στρατιᾷ παρεσόμεθα. [13] χρὴ δὲ ὑμᾶς τὰ παραπίπτοντα φέρειν ἀνδρείως τε καὶ τῇ ἀνάγκῃ ἐπιτηδείως, λογιζομένους μὲν τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀρετήν, ἧς ἕνεκα ἐκ πάντων ἀπολέξας ὑμᾶς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ κατεστησάμην, αἰσχυνομένους δὲ τὴν δόξαν, ἣν Γότθοι ἅπαντες ἐφ̓ ὑμῖν ἔχοντες Ῥαβέννης τε ὑμᾶς καὶ [14] τῆς σφῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίας προβέβληνται.’ τοσαῦτα γράψας Οὐίττιγις καὶ χρήμασι πολλοῖς τὸν ἄνθρωπον δωρησάμενος ἀπεπέμψατο. ὃς δὴ ἐς Αὔξιμον ἀφικόμενος, παρά τε τοὺς ἑταίρους τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἦλθε καὶ ἀρρώστημα ὅ τι δή οἱ ξυμβεβηκέναι σκηψάμενος ἔς τε ἱερόν τι οὐκ ἄποθεν ὂν διὰ τοῦτο ἐσχολακέναι, κατέστη μὲν αὖθις ἐς τὴν φυλακὴν ᾗπερ εἰώθει, λαθὼν δὲ ἅπαντας τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ γράμματα ἔδωκεν: ἅπερ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἀναγνωσθέντα ἔτι μᾶλλον ἅπαντας, [15] καίπερ τῷ λιμῷ πιεζομένους, ἐπέρρωσε. διὸ δὴ προσχωρεῖν Βελισαρίῳ πολλὰ τιθασσεύοντι οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον. αὖθις δὲ ῾οὐδὲ γὰρ σφίσι στράτευμα ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἐξεληλυθὸς ἠγγέλλετο καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ ὑπερφυῶς ἤδη ἤχθοντὀ Βουρκέντιον πάλιν πέμπουσι, τοῦτο ἐν γράμμασι δηλώσαντες μόνον, ὡς πέντε ἡμερῶν οὐκέτι τὸ λοιπὸν οἷοί τέ εἰσι τῷ λιμῷ μάχεσθαι. ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπανῆκεν αὖθις, Οὐιττίγιδος ἐπιστολὴν ἔχων ταῖς ὁμοίαις ἐλπίσιν αὐτοὺς ἀναρτῶσαν. [16] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἀχθόμενοι, ὅτι δὴ ἐν χώρᾳ ἐρήμῳ μακρὰν οὕτω προσεδρείαν πεποίηνται, διηποροῦντο, οὐκ ἐνδιδόντας σφίσιν ἐν τοσούτοις κακοῖς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁρῶντες. [17] διὸ δὴ Βελισάριος ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο ζῶντά τινα τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολεμίοις δοκίμων λαβεῖν, ὅπως ἂν γνοίη ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα τὰ δεινὰ καρτεροῦσιν οἱ βάρβαροι, καί οἱ Βαλεριανὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον ὑπουργήσειν εὐπετῶς ὡμολόγει. [18] εἶναι γάρ τινας τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων ἐκ τοῦ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνους, οἳ κρύπτεσθαί τε ὑπὸ λίθῳ βραχεῖ ἢ φυτῷ τῳ παρατυχόντι εἰώθασι καὶ ἀναρπάζειν ἄνδρα πολέμιον. [19] τοῦτό τε ἀεὶ παρὰ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ἔνθα ἵδρυνται, ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους βαρβάρους ἐνδείκνυνται. ἥσθη τῷ λόγῳ Βελισάριος καὶ τοῦ ἔργου ἐπιμελεῖσθαι κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευε. [20] Βαλεριανὸς οὖν ἀπολέξας τῶν Σκλαβηνῶν ἕνα σώματός τε μεγέθους πέρι εὖ ἥκοντα καὶ διαφερόντως δραστήριον, ἄνδρα πολέμιον ἄγειν ἐπέστελλε, χρήματά οἱ μεγάλα πρὸς Βελισαρίου ἰσχυρισάμενος ἔσεσθαι. [21] δράσειν δὲ τοῦτο αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ εὐπετῶς ἔφασκεν οὗπερ ἡ πόα τυγχάνει οὖσα: χρόνου γὰρ πολλοῦ ταύτῃ τοὺς Γότθους ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων σιτίζεσθαι. [22] ὁ μὲν οὖν Σκλαβηνὸς ὄρθρου βαθέος ἄγχιστα τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενος, ἐν θάμνῳ τινὶ ἐγκαλυψάμενός τε καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἐς ὀλίγον ξυναγαγὼν ἀμφὶ τὴν πόαν ἐκρύπτετο. [23] ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ Γότθος ἀνὴρ ἐνταῦθα ἥκων τὰς βοτάνας κατὰ τάχος ξυνέλεγεν, ἐκ μὲν τοῦ θάμνου ὑποτοπάζων οὐδὲν ἄχαρι, συχνὰ δὲ περισκοπῶν ἐς τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων στρατόπεδον, μή τις ἐνθένδε ἐς αὐτὸν ἴοι. [24] καί οἱ ἐπιπεσὼν ὄπισθεν ὁ Σκλαβηνὸς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἀνάρπαστον ἐποιήσατο, σφίγγων τε μέσον καρτερῶς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἔς τε τὸ στρατόπεδον ἤνεγκε καὶ φέρων Βαλεριανῷ ἐνεχείρισεν. [25] ᾧ δὴ πυνθανομένῳ, ὅτῳ ποτὲ Γότθοι πιστεύοντες καὶ τί τὸ ἐχυρὸν ἔχοντες ἥκιστα ἐθέλουσι προσχωρεῖν σφίσιν, ἀλλ̓ ἑκούσιοι τὰ δεινότατα ἐγκαρτεροῦσι, τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀμφὶ τῷ Βουρκεντίῳ ὁ βάρβαρος ἔφρασε καὶ αὐτόν οἱ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκοντα ἤλεγχεν. [26] ὁ δὲ Βουρκέντιος, ἐπεὶ ἔκπυστος ἤδη γεγονὼς ᾔσθετο, οὐδὲν τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀπέκρυψε. διὸ δὴ Βελισάριος μὲν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτὸν ὅ τι βούλοιντο παρέδωκε χρῆσθαι, οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ζῶντα οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἔκαυσαν, θεωμένων τὰ ποιούμενα τῶν πολεμίων. Βουρκέντιος μὲν οὕτω τῆς φιλοχρηματίας ἀ
πέλαυσε.
XXVI
THUS did Theudibert, after marching into Italy, take his departure. And the troops of Martinus and John returned in spite of the changed situation, in order that the enemy might not make any attack upon the Romans engaged in the siege. Now the Goths in Auximus, who had learned nothing concerning the coming of the Franks, had begun to despair of their hope from Ravenna which was so long deferred, and were purposing once more to address an appeal to Vittigis; but seeing that they were unable to elude the guards of the enemy, they were filled with grief. But later on their attention was drawn to one of the Romans — he was of the race of the Besi and named Burcentius, and had been assigned to the command of Narses, the Armenian — for they noted that he was keeping guard alone at midday, that no one should come out from the city to take the grass; and they went nearer and hailed him, and giving pledges that they would do him no harm, they urged him to come to meet them, promising that he would receive from them a large sum of money. And when they had come together, the barbarians besought the man to carry a certain letter to Ravenna, naming a fixed sum of gold to be paid to him immediately, and promising to give more when he should return bringing them a letter from Vittigis. And the soldier, won over by the money, agreed to perform this service, and he carried out his promise. For he received a sealed letter and carried it with all speed to Ravenna; and coming before Vittigis he delivered it to him. Now the message conveyed was as follows: “The situation in which we now find ourselves will be clearly revealed to you when you inquire who the bringer of this letter is. For not a Goth can find a way to get outside the fortifications. And as for food, the most available supply we have is the grass which grows by the wall, and even this at the present time we cannot so much as touch, except by losing many men in the struggle for it. And it becomes both thee and the Goths in Ravenna to consider what the end of all this will be for us.” When Vittigis had read this, he replied as follows: “Let no one think that we have ceased our efforts, dearest of all men, nor that we have come to be guilty of such a degree of baseness as to abandon utterly the cause of the Goths through sheer indifference. For, on my part, it was only recently that the preparations for departure had been made with all possible thoroughness, and Uraias with his whole army had come under summons from Milan. But the inroad of the Franks, coming upon us unexpectedly as it did, has made havoc of all our preparations, a result for which I, at least, could not justly hear the blame. For things which are beyond human power confer even upon those who fail the boon of being free from blame, since fortune draws upon herself whatever charge springs from what has befallen. Now, however, since we hear that Theudibert has got out of our way, we shall at no distant time, if God wills, come to you with the whole Gothic army. And it is needful for you to bear whatever falls to your lot manfully and as befits the necessity which is upon you, calling to mind, first, your own valour, on account of which I chose you out from the whole army and established you in Auximus, and respecting also the reputation which you hold among all the Goths, and which prompted them to put you forward as a bulwark for Ravenna and for their own safety.” After writing this letter and rewarding the man with a large sum of money, Vittigis sent him away. And when he reached Auximus, he rejoined his comrades, giving as his excuse that some sickness or other had fallen upon him, and that for this reason he had been passing the time in a certain sanctuary not far away; and so he was appointed once more to guard-duty, to the very watch to which he had been accustomed, and unbeknown to all the Romans he gave the letter to the enemy; and when this was read to the people, it gave them all additional encouragement, although they were hard pressed by the famine. Wherefore they were quite unwilling to yield to Belisarius, although he offered many enticements. But when no army had been reported as having left Ravenna, and they were already in extreme distress because of the lack of provisions, they once more sent Burcentius with a message stating only this, that after five days they would no longer be able to fight with the famine. And he returned to them a second time with a letter from Vittigis tantalizing them with similar hopes.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 463