V
NOT long after this Totila sent an army against Justinus and Florentia, putting in command of the force the most warlike of the Goths, Vledas, Roderic, and Uliaris. And when they came to Florentia, they established themselves in camp about the wall and entered upon a siege. Thereupon Justinus, in great agitation because, as it happened, he had brought no provisions at all into the city, sent to Ravenna to the commanders of the Roman army, begging them to come to his assistance with all speed. And the messenger slipped unobserved through the enemy’s lines by night, and upon reaching Ravenna reported the situation which confronted the garrison. As a result of this intelligence a considerable Roman army immediately started on the way to Florentia, under command of Bessas, Cyprian and John the nephew of Vitalian. When the Goths learned of this army through their scouts, they broke up the siege and withdrew to a place called Mucellis, one day’s journey distant from Florentia. And when the Roman army had joined forces with Justinus, the commanders left there a few of his men to guard the city, but took the rest along with them and proceeded against the enemy.
And as they proceeded on their way it was decided that the most advantageous plan was for one of the commanders to choose out the most famous fighters in the whole army and with them go in advance of the others, and make a sudden and unexpected attack upon the enemy, while the rest of the army should proceed without quickening its pace and come upon the scene later. So they cast lots with this plan in view and awaited the decision of fortune in the matter. Now the lot fell out for John, but the commanders were no longer willing to carry out the agreement. Thus it was that John was compelled with his own troops alone to go in advance of the others and make an attack upon the enemy. But the barbarians, learning that their opponents were advancing upon them and being greatly terrified, decided to abandon the plain where they had established their camp, and in confusion ran to the top of a high hill which rises near by. And when the force of John arrived there, they too ran up against the enemy and opened the attack. But since the barbarians defended themselves vigorously, a violent struggle took place and many men on both sides, while making a remarkable display of heroism, were beginning to fall. Now though John had led a charge with loud shouting and tumult against the enemy opposite him, it so happened that one of his bodyguards was hit by a javelin thrown by one of the enemy and fell, as a result of this the Romans, now repulsed, began to retire to the rear.
By this time the remainder of the Roman army also had reached the plain, where they formed a phalanx and stood waiting. And if they had stood fast to give support to John’s troops, which were now in full flight, they could have advanced all together upon the enemy, and not only would they have defeated them in the battle, but they would have been able also to capture practically the whole force. But by some chance it so fell out that an untrue report was circulated through the Roman army to the effect that John had perished at the hand of one of his own bodyguards during the action then in progress. And when the report came to the commanders, they were no longer willing to hold their position, but they one and all began to retire in a disgraceful sort of retreat. For neither did they keep their troops in order, nor did they move off in any kind of groups, but each man for himself, just as he could, rushed off in headlong flight. And many indeed perished in this flight, and as for the rest, all such as were saved continued their flight for many days although they were not pursued at all. And some time afterwards they entered such strongholds as each one happened upon, and the report they carried to those they chanced to meet was only this, that John was dead. And consequently they were no longer in contact with each other, nor had they any purpose of uniting thereafter against the enemy, but each remained inside the circuit-wall of his own fort and began to prepare for a siege, fearing that the barbarians would come against him. Totila, meanwhile, was shewing great kindness to his prisoners, and thereby succeeded in winning their allegiance, and henceforth the most of them voluntarily served under him against the Romans. And the winter drew to its close, and the seventh year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written. [542 A.D.]
Ἔπειτα δὲ ὁ Τουτίλας Καισῆνάν τε καὶ Πέτραν τὰ φρούρια εἷλεν. ὀλίγον τε ὕστερον ἐς Τουσκίαν ἀφίκετο, καὶ τῶν ἐνταῦθα χωρίων ἀποπειρασάμενος, ἐπεί οἱ προσχωρεῖν οὐδεὶς ἤθελε, Τίβεριν ποταμὸν διαβάς, ἐς μὲν τὰ Ῥώμης ὅρια οὐδαμῆ ἦλθεν, ἐς Καμπανοὺς δὲ καὶ Σαμνίτας αὐτίκα ἥκων Βενεβεντὸν πόλιν ἐχυρὰν παρεστήσατο οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, καὶ αὐτῆς τὰ τείχη ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλεν, ὅπως μὴ στράτευμα ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἧκον ἔκ τε ὀχυροῦ ὁρμώμενον πράγματα Γότθοις παρέχειν δύνηται. [2] μετὰ δὲ Νεαπολίτας πολιορκεῖν ἔγνω, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν δέχεσθαι τῇ πόλει, καίπερ ἐπαγωγὰ πολλὰ λέγοντα, ὡς ἥκιστα ἤθελον. Κόνων γὰρ ἐνταῦθα ἐφύλασσε, Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἰσαύρων χιλίους ἔχων. [3] καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενος οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν τοῦ περιβόλου ἡσύχαζε, πέμψας δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς μοῖραν, Κύμην τε τὸ φρούριον καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα ὀχυρώματα εἷλε, χρήματά τε ἐνθένδε περιβαλέσθαι μεγάλα ἴσχυσε. [4] καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν ἐκ βουλῆς ἐνταῦθα εὑρὼν οὔτε ὕβρισε καὶ ξὺν πολλῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ ἐλευθέρας ἀφῆκε, μέγα τε ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ὄνομα ἐπί τε ξυνέσει καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας ἔσχε. Καὶ ἐπεί οἱ πολέμιον οὐδὲν ὑπηντίαζεν, ὀλίγους ἀεὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ περιπέμπων ἔργα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξια ἔπρασσε. [5] Βριττίους μὲν καὶ Λευκανοὺς παρεστήσατο, καὶ Ἀπουλίαν ξὺν Καλαβρίᾳ ἔσχε, τούς τε δημοσίους φόρους αὐτὸς ἔπρασσε, καὶ τὰς τῶν χρημάτων προσόδους ἀντὶ τῶν τὰ χωρία κεκτημένων ἐφέρετο, καὶ τἄλλα καθίστη ἅτε τῆς Ἰταλίας γεγονὼς κύριος. [6] διὸ δὴ τῇ Ῥωμαίων στρατιᾷ χρόνοις τοῖς καθήκουσιν οὐ κομιζομένῃ τὰς συνειθισμένας συντάξεις χρήματα μεγάλα βασιλεὺς ὤφειλε. [7] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ οἱ μὲν Ἰταλιῶται τῶν τε προσηκόντων ἐκπεπτωκότες καὶ ἐς κινδύνου μέγεθος αὖθις ἐληλακότες ἐν πένθει μεγάλῳ ἐγίνοντο. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπειθεστέρους αὑτοὺς τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἔτι μᾶλλον παρεῖχον, ἔν τε ταῖς πόλεσιν ἄσμενοι ἔμενον. [8] Κωνσταντιανὸς μὲν οὖν Ῥάβενναν εἶχεν, Ἰωάννης δὲ Ῥώμην, Σπολίτιον δὲ Βέσσας, καὶ Ἰουστῖνος Φλωρεντιαν, Κυπριανὸς δὲ Περυσίαν, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἕκαστος ὅπη φυγών τε καὶ διασωθεὶς κατ̓ ἀρχὰς ἔτυχε. [9] Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς μαθών τε καὶ ἐν ξυμφορᾷ πεποιημένος τῶν Ἰταλίας πραιτωρίων ἔπαρχον Μαξιμῖνον ὡς τάχιστα κατεστήσατο, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τοῖς τε ἄρχουσιν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιστάτης εἴη καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια κατὰ τὴν χρείαν πορίζηται. [10] καί οἱ νεῶν ξυνέπεμψε στόλον, Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Ἀρμενίων σ�
�ρατιωτῶν ἐμπλησάμενος. ἡγεῖτο δὲ τῶν μὲν Θρᾳκῶν Ἡρωδιανός, τῶν δὲ Ἀρμενίων Φάζας Ἴβηρ, Περανίου ἀδελφιδοῦς: ξυνέπλεον δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Οὖννοι ὀλίγοι. [11] Μαξιμῖνος μὲν οὖν ἄρας ἐκ Βυζαντίου παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐς τὴν Ἤπειρον ἦλθεν: ἔνθα δὴ τὸν καιρὸν κατατρίβων ἐκάθητο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ. [12] ἦν γὰρ πολεμίων ἔργων οὐδαμῶς ἔμπειρος καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ δειλός τε καὶ μελλητὴς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. [13] Μετὰ δὲ καὶ Δημήτριον στρατηγὸν βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψεν, ὃς δὴ τὰ πρότερα ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἐστράτευε καταλόγου πεζικοῦ ἄρχων. [14] καταπλεύσας οὖν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐς Σικελίαν, ἐπεὶ Κόνωνά τε καὶ Νεαπολίτας πικρότατα πολιορκεῖσθαι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων παντάπασι σπανίζοντας ἤκουσε, βοηθεῖν μὲν κατὰ τάχος ἤθελεν, ἀδύνατος δὲ ὤν, ἐπεί οἱ στράτευμα βραχύ τε καὶ οὐκ ἀξιόλογον εἵπετο, [15] ἐπενόει τοιάδε. ναῦς ὅτι πλείστας ἐκ Σικελίας ἁπάσης ἀγείρας σίτου τε αὐτὰς ἐμπλησάμενος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ἔπλει, δόκησιν παρέχων τοῖς ἐναντίοις πάμπολύ τι στράτευμα ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν εἶναι. [16] καὶ ἔτυχέ γε τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐννοίας. μέγαν γὰρ σφίσιν ἐπιέναι στρατὸν ᾤοντο, τεκμαιρόμενοι ὅτι δὴ στόλου πολύ τι χρῆμα πλεῖν ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπύθοντο. [17] καὶ εἰ μὲν κατ̓ ἀρχὰς εὐθὺ Νεαπόλεως ἰέναι Δημήτριος ἤθελεν, οἶμαι ἂν αὐτὸν ἐκπλῆξαί τε τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν διασώσασθαι, οὐδενός οἱ ἀντιστατοῦντος. [18] νῦν δὲ κατορρωδήσας τὸν κίνδυνον καταίρειν μὲν ἐς Νεάπολιν ἥκιστα ἔγνω, ἐς δὲ τὸν Ῥώμης καταπλεύσας λιμένα, στρατιώτας ἐνθένδε ἀγείρειν ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο. [19] οἱ δὲ ἅτε πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων ἡσσημένοι τε καὶ μέγα δέος ἔτι ἀπ̓ αὐτῶν ἔχοντες, ἕπεσθαι Δημητρίῳ ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον. διὸ δὴ μόνοις τοῖς ἐκ Βυζαντίου ξὺν αὐτῷ ἥκουσιν ἐς Νεάπολιν ἰέναι ἠνάγκαστο. [20] Ἦν δέ τις Δημήτριος ἕτερος, Κεφαληνὸς γένος, ναύτης μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν καὶ τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἔργων τε καὶ κινδύνων ἀκριβῶς ἔμπειρος, πλεύσας δὲ ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἔς τε Λιβύην καὶ Ἰταλίαν ἐγένετο ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν δόκιμος, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἐπίτροπον βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν Νεαπόλεως κατεστήσατο. [21] ἐπειδή τε οἱ βάρβαροι τὸ χωρίον πολιορκεῖν ἤρξαντο, ἀσελγείᾳ πολλῇ ἐχόμενος ἐς τὸν Τουτίλαν συχνὰ ὕβριζε, λίαν τε ἀθυρόγλωσσος ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ ὁ ἀνὴρ ὤφθη. [22] Προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀπωλείας Κόνωνος ἐς λέμβον τινὰ λάθρα ἐσβὰς ἐτόλμησε παρὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν Δημήτριον ἰέναι μόνος. [23] ἐκ δὲ τοῦ παραδόξου σωθείς τε καὶ ξυγγενόμενος τῷ Δημητρίῳ ἐθάρσυνέ τε μάλιστα καὶ ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐνῆγε. [24] Τουτίλας δὲ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀμφὶ τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ ἀκούσας δρόμωνας μὲν πολλοὺς ἄριστα πλέοντας ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχεν, ἐπειδὴ δὲ κατῆραν ἐς τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτὴν οἱ πολέμιοι Νεαπόλεως οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, ἐλθὼν ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου κατέπληξέ τε καὶ ἐς φυγὴν ἅπαντας ἔτρεψε. [25] καὶ αὐτῶν πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτεινεν, ἐζώγρησε δὲ πλείστους, διέφυγον δὲ ὅσοι ἐς τῶν νεῶν τοὺς λέμβους ἐσπηδῆσαι κατ̓ ἀρχὰς ἴσχυσαν, ἐν τοῖς καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ στρατηγὸς ἦν. τὰς γὰρ ναῦς ἁπάσας σὺν αὐτοῖς φορτίοις, αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν, [26] οἱ βάρβαροι εἷλον. οὗ δὴ καὶ Δημήτριον τὸν Νεαπόλεως ἐπίτροπον εὗρον. γλῶσσάν τε καὶ χεῖρας ἄμφω ἀποτεμόντες οὐκ ἔκτειναν μέν, οὕτω δὲ λωβησάμενοι ὅπη βούλοιτο ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι. ταύτην τε Τουτίλᾳ τὴν δίκην Δημήτριος γλώσσης ἀκολάστου ἐξέτισεν.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 473