Meantime Totila sent a letter to the Roman senate written in the following terms. “Such men as wrong their neighbours, being either the victims of ignorance or blinded by some forgetfulness that has come upon them, may fairly be forgiven by the victims of their ill-treatment. For their ignorance or forgetfulness, which led to their wrongdoing, also excuses it for the most part. If, however, any man does wrong as a result of deliberate intent solely, such a man will have nothing left with which even to defend his conduct. For it is not the deed alone, but also the intention, for which this man himself must, in justice, bear the responsibility. Therefore, since this is so, consider forthwith what defence you will possibly be able to make for your actions toward the Goths. Has it really come to pass that you are ignorant of the good deeds of Theoderic and Amalasuntha, or have they been blotted from your minds with the lapse of time and forgetfulness? No, indeed; neither one of these is true. For it was not in some small matter, nor toward your ancestors in olden times that their kindness was displayed, but it was in matter of vital importance, dear Romans, towards your very selves, recently and in days that are close at hand. But was it because you had been informed by hearsay or learned by experience the righteousness of the Greeks toward their subjects that you decided to abandon to them as you did the cause of the Goths and Italians? At any rate, you, for your part, have, I think, entertained them royally, but you know full well what sort of guests and friends you have found them, if you have any recollection of the public accounts of Alexander. For I need make no mention of the soldiers and the commanders by whose friendliness and magnanimity you have profited; and it is precisely this conduct of these men which has brought their fortunes to such a pass. Now let no one of you think that I am moved by youthful ambition to bring these reproaches against them nor that I am inclined to boastful speech merely because I am a ruler of barbarians. For the overmastery of those men, I say, has not been a work of our valour, but I confidently maintain that a sort of vengeance has overtaken them for the wrongs you have suffered at their hands. How then could it fail to appear a most atrocious act on your part, that you, while God is exacting vengeance from them in your behalf, should cling fondly to that atrocity of theirs and be unwilling to be rid of the ills arising therefrom? Give yourselves, therefore, some ground for the defence you must make to the Goths, and give us, on the other hand, some ground for forgiveness toward you. And you will give this if, without proposing to await the conclusion of the war, now that there is only scant hope left you, and that too of no avail, you choose the better course and set right the wrongs which you have committed against us.”
Such then was the message which the writing set forth; and now Totila, placing it in the hands of some of the captives, commanded them to go to Rome and give it to the senators. And they did this. But John prevented those who saw this letter from making any reply to Totila. For this reason Totila made a second attempt, writing a large number of short letters, in which he gave expression to the most solemn oaths, swearing in explicit terms that never would the Goths do any harm to anyone of the Romans. Now as to what persons conveyed these writings to Rome, I cannot speak; for all of them were posted late at night in the conspicuous places in the city, and only when it came day were they discovered; but the commanders of the Roman army entertained grave suspicions against the priests of the Arians, and consequently removed these all from the city immediately.
Totila, upon hearing this, sent a certain portion of his army into Calabria, bidding them make trial of the fortress at Dryus. But since the troops keeping guard in this fortress absolutely refused to yield to him, he commanded the force which had been sent there to institute a siege, while he, with the greater part of the army, went to the vicinity of Rome.
When the emperor heard this, he was greatly embarrassed, and, in spite of the fact that the Persians were still pressing him very hard, was compelled to send Belisarius against Totila. And the winter drew to a close, and the ninth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written. [544 A.D.]
Οὕτω μὲν Βελισάριος τὸ δεύτερον ἐς Ἰταλίαν ᾔει. ἐπεὶ δὲ στρατιώτας ὡς μάλιστα ὀλίγους εἶχε ῾τοὺς γάρ οἱ ἑπομένους τοῦ ἐν Μήδοις στρατοπέδου ἀποστῆσαι οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσἐ Θρᾴκην ὅλην περιιὼν χρήματά τε προϊέμενος, ξυνῆγε νέους ἐθελουσίους. [2] ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτῷ βασιλέως γνώμῃ καὶ Βιτάλιος ὁ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν στρατηγός, ἄρτι ἐπανήκων ἐξ Ἰταλίας, οὗ δὴ τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς στρατιώτας ἀπολιπὼν ἔτυχεν. [3] ἄμφω γοῦν ἐς τετρακισχιλίους ἀγείραντες ἐν Σάλωσιν ἐγένοντο, γνώμην ἔχοντες ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης τὰ πρῶτα ἰέναι, τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐνθένδε ὅπη ἂν δυνατὸν εἴη διενεγκεῖν. [4] τὸ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰ Ῥώμης χωρία ἀποβαίνειν οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυον, οὔτε τοὺς πολεμίους λανθάνοντες ῾ἐπεὶ αὐτοὺς ἔν τε Καλαβροῖς στρατοπεδεύεσθαι καὶ Καμπανοῖς ἤκουσαν̓ οὔτε αὐτοὺς τρόπῳ ὁτῳοῦν βιαζόμενοι. οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ᾔεσαν. [5] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ ἐν Δρυοῦντι πολιορκούμενοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων σφᾶς παντάπασιν ἐκλελοιπότων βαρβάροις τοῖς πολιορκοῦσιν ἐς λόγους ξυνῆλθον. ἐφ̓ ᾧ τὸ φρούριον ὁμολογίᾳ ἐνδώσουσι, τακτή τε ἀμφοτέροις ἐν τούτῳ ἡμέρα ξυνέκειτο. [6] Βελισάριος δὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐς ἐνιαυτοῦ μῆκος πλοίοις ἐνθέμενος Βαλεντῖνον ξὺν αὐτοῖς πλεῖν εἰς Δρυοῦντα ἐκέλευε, καὶ τοὺς μὲν προτέρους φύλακας τοῦ φρουρίου ἐνθένδε ὑπεξαγαγεῖν ὅτι τάχιστα, οὓς δὴ νόσῳ τε ξυντετηκέναι καὶ λιμῷ ἔμαθε, τῶν δὲ ξυμπλεόντων τινὰς ἐπὶ τῷ φυλακτηρίῳ ἀντ̓ αὐτῶν καταστήσασθαι: ῥᾷον γὰρ οὕτως αὐτοὺς ἀκμῆτάς τε ὄντας καὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἀναγκαίων σπανίζοντας τὸ φρούριον ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ διαφυλάξειν. [7] Βαλεντῖνος μὲν οὖν τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ πνεύματος ἐπιφόρου ἐπιτυχὼν ἐς τὸν Δρυοῦντα κατέπλευσε τέτρασι πρότερον τῆς κυρίας ἡμέραις, ἀφύλακτόν τε τὸν λιμένα εὑρὼν αὐτοῦ τε ἐκράτησε καὶ πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς τὸ φρούριον εἰσελθεῖν ἴσχυσε. [8] τοῖς γὰρ ὡμολογημένοις οἱ Γότθοι θαρσοῦντες οὐδέν τε μεταξὺ ἐναντίωμα ὑποτοπάζοντες σφίσιν ἔσεσθαι, ὀλιγώρως ἤδη τὰ ἐς τὸν Δρυοῦντα διαθέμενοι ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον. [9] τότε μέντοι καταπλέοντα ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου τὸν στόλον ἰδόντες ἔδεισάν τε καὶ τὴν προσεδρείαν διέλυσαν, μακράν τε ἄποθεν τοῦ χωρίου γενόμενοι ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο καὶ πάντα ἐς Τουτίλαν τὰ ξυμβεβηκότα σφίσιν ἀνήνεγκαν. παρὰ τοσοῦτον μὲν Δρυοῦντος τὸ φρούριον κινδύνου ἦλθε. [10] τῶν δὲ ξὺν Βαλεντίνῳ τινὲς ληΐσασθαι βουλόμενοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ἐπεκδρομὰς ἐποιήσαντο, τοῖς τε πολεμίοις τύχῃ τινὶ ὑπαντιάσαντες πρὸς τῇ τῆς θαλάσσης ἠϊόνι ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον. [11] καὶ πα
ρὰ πολὺ ἡσσηθέντες τῇ μάχῃ ἐς τὸ τῆς θαλασσης ὕδωρ οἱ πολλοὶ ἔφυγον, ἵνα δὴ ἑβδομηκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἀποβαλόντες ἐς τὸ φρούριον οἱ λοιποὶ ἀνεχώρησαν. [12] Βαλεντῖνος δὲ τοὺς μὲν πάλαι φρουροὺς ἐνθένδε ἡμιθνῆτας εὑρὼν ὑπεξήγαγεν, ἑτέρους δὲ ἀντικαταστησάμενος ἀκραιφνεῖς, καθάπερ οἱ ἐπέστελλε Βελισάριος, καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐς χρόνον αὐτοῖς ἀπολιπὼν ἐνιαύσιον, ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐς Σάλωνας ἦλθε. [13] Καὶ Βελισάριος παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ ἐνθένδε ἄρας Πόλῃ προσέσχεν. οὗ δὴ τὸ στράτευμα διέπων χρόνον τινὰ ἔμενε. [14] Τουτίλας δὲ ἥκειν αὐτὸν ἐνταῦθα ἀκούσας, τήν τε δύναμιν ἐθέλων γνῶναι ἥνπερ ἐπήγετο, ἐποίει τάδε. Βόνος ἦν τις Ἰωάννου ἀνεψιὸς φρουρᾶς ἄρχων τῆς ἐν Γενούᾳ. [15] τούτου δὲ τῷ ὀνόματι χρησάμενος γράμματα δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παῤ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Βελισάριον ἔγραψεν ἅτε παρακαλοῦντος αὐτὸν ὅτι τάχιστα παραγενέσθαι σφίσιν ἐν κινδύνοις τισὶ χαλεποῖς οὖσιν. [16] ἄνδρας τε ἀπολεξάμενος περιέργους ἐς τὰ μάλιστα πέντε τά τε γράμματα ἐνεχείρισε καὶ δύναμιν ἀκριβῶς κατανοεῖν τὴν Βελισαρίου ἐπέστελλεν, ἐνδεικνυμένους ὅτι δὴ ἀπὸ Βόνου σταλεῖεν. [17] Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἄνδρας οἱ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντας ξὺν φιλοφροσύνῃ πολλῇ, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, εἶδεν. [18] ἀναλεξάμενός τε τὰ γράμματα Βόνῳ ἀπαγγέλλειν ἐκέλευεν ὅτι δὴ παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἥξει. οἱ δὲ περισκοπήσαντες ἅπαντα, καθάπερ σφίσιν ἐπέστελλε Τουτίλας, ἔς τε τὸ Γότθων στρατόπεδον ἐπανῆκον καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα λόγου ἀξίαν τὴν Βελισαρίου δύναμιν ἰσχυρίζοντο εἶναι. [19] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Τουτίλας Τίβουριν πόλιν, Ἰσαύρων φρουρὰν ἔχουσαν, προδοσίᾳ εἷλε τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. τῶν τινες οἰκητόρων τὰς πύλας ξὺν τοῖς Ἰσαύροις ἐφύλασσον. [20] οὗτοι Ἰσαύροις τοῖς ξυμφυλάσσουσι διάφοροι γεγενημένοι ἀπ̓ οὐδεμιᾶς πρὸς αὐτῶν γινομένης αἰτίας ἄγχιστά που ἐνστρατοπεδευομένους τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπηγάγοντο νύκτωρ. [21] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴσαυροι ξυμφρονήσαντες ἁλισκομένης τῆς πόλεως σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες διαφυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν. [22] τῶν δὲ οἰκητόρων οὐδενὸς οἱ Γότθοι ἐφείσαντο, ἀλλὰ ξὺν τῷ τῆς πόλεως ἱερεῖ ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν τρόπῳ δὴ ὅνπερ ἐξεπιστάμενος ἔγωγε ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι, ὡς μὴ ἀπανθρωπίας ἀπολείπω μνημεῖα τῷ ὄπισθεν χρόνῳ: ἐν οἷς καὶ Κάτελλος ἀπώλετο ἔν γε Ἰταλιώταις ἀνὴρ δόκιμος. [23] καὶ οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι Τίβουριν ἔσχον, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκέτι ἠδύναντο ἐκ Τούσκων τὰ ἐπιτήδεια διὰ τοῦ Τιβέριδος ἐσκομίζεσθαι. πρὸς γὰρ τῷ ποταμῷ ἡ πόλις κειμένη Ῥώμης ὕπερθεν ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐπιτείχισμα τὸ λοιπὸν τοῖς ἐνταῦθα εἰσπλεῖν βουλομένοις ἐγίνετο.
X
THUS Belisarius, for the second time, went to Italy.
But since he had an exceedingly small number of soldiers — for it was quite impossible for him to detach his own troops from the army in Persia — he proceeded to travel about the whole of Thrace, and, by offering money, to gather fresh volunteers. And by the emperor’s command he was accompanied by Vitalius, the General of Illyricum, who had recently returned from Italy, where he had left the Illyrian soldiers. So together they collected about four thousand men and went to Salones with the intention of going to Ravenna first of all and conducting the war from there in whatever manner might be possible. For they could in no wise effect a landing near Rome, either by keeping their movements secret from the enemy (since, as they had heard, the Goths were encamped both in Calabria and in Campania), nor by overpowering the enemy in any manner whatsoever; for they were going against them without sufficient strength to meet them on even terms.
In the meantime the Romans besieged in Dryus, seeing that their provisions had been absolutely exhausted, made an agreement with the besieging barbarians, stipulating that they would hand over the place by surrender, and a definite day was meanwhile agreed upon by both. But Belisarius loaded ships with provisions for a year’s time and commanded Valentinus to sail with them to Dryus, and to remove the former garrison from the fortress as quickly as possible — for he learned that they had been much weakened by disease and famine — and to establish as a garrison in place of them some of the men sailing with him; for by this arrangement it would be comparatively easy for them, being fresh and not in want of any necessaries, to guard the fortress in security. So Valentinus, chancing to find a favourable wind, sailed with this fleet to Dryus, and arrived four days before the time appointed for the surrender; and finding the harbour unguarded, he took possession of it, and succeeded without trouble in entering the fortress. For the Goths, being confident in the agreement they had made, and supposing that they would encounter no obstacle in the interval, were now giving little heed to their operations against Dryus and were remaining quiet. Then, however, upon seeing the fleet suddenly bearing down upon them, they took fright and abandoned the siege, and going to a great distance from the place, they made camp and reported to Totila all that had befallen them. So close was the peril from which the fortress of Dryus escaped. But some of Valentinus’ men, wishing to plunder the adjoining country, began to make excursions; and by some chance they encountered the enemy near the shore of the sea, and engaged with them. And being badly defeated in the battle, the most of them fled into the sea-water; in this way they lost one hundred and seventy men, and the rest withdrew to the fortress.
Valentinus, upon finding the previous garrison half dead, removed them from the fortress, and substituted other fresh men, just as Belisarius had instructed him to do, and leaving them supplies for a year’s time, returned with the rest of the army to Salones.
Then Belisarius, setting sail from there with the whole fleet, put in at Pola, where he remained for a short time, putting the army in order. But Totila, hearing that Belisarius had reached Pola, and wishing to discover the strength of the army which he was bringing, took the following measures. There was a certain Bonus, nephew of John, commanding the garrison in Genoa. He accordingly made use of this man’s name and wrote a letter to Belisarius purporting to be from this Bonus, and urging him to come with all possible speed to their assistance, as they were in some extreme peril. Then he chose out five men of an especially inquisitive nature, put the letter into their hands, and instructed them to observe accurately the force of Belisarius, while palming themselves off as having been sent from Bonus. So when the men came before Belisarius, he received them with great friendliness, as was his custom. And after reading the letter, he bade them report back to Bonus that he would come with the whole army after no long time. Then, after they had looked over everything exactly as Totila had directed them to d
o, they returned to the Gothic camp and declared that the force of Belisarius was by no means considerable.
Meanwhile Totila captured the city of Tibur, which contained a guard of Isaurians, through an act of treason; this happened in the following manner. Some of the inhabitants of the place were guarding the gates together with the Isaurians. These men, having quarrelled with the Isaurians who kept guard with them, although the Isaurians had given no cause for offence, now invited the enemy, who were encamped close by, to come in by night. But the Isaurians, on their part, adopted a common plan while the city was being captured, and practically all of them succeeded in making their escape. Among the inhabitants, however, not a man was spared by the Goths, but they were all killed, together with the priest of the city, in a manner which I shall by no means mention, although I know it well, in order that I may not leave records of inhuman cruelty to future times. Among these victims Catellus also perished, a man of note among the Italians. So the barbarians took possession of Tibur, and the Romans, in consequence, were no longer able to bring in their provisions from Tuscany by way of the Tiber. For the city, situated as it is fronting the river about a hundred and twenty stades above Rome, became thereafter an outpost against those wishing to sail into Rome by that route.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 476