The men were delighted with these terms and he immediately departed from the place, and coming again before Mermeroes explained everything. Then Mermeroes selected the most notable men of the Persians and sent them with him to Uthimereos, for the purpose of arranging pledges both for the money and for the lives of the guards of the place and so taking possession of that fortress. Thus did the Persians gain the fortress of Uthimereos and thereby secured the mastery of Lazica most firmly. But not only did the Persians bring this land of Lazica under their sway, but also Scymnia and Suania, and in this way the whole territory from Mocheresis as far as Iberia became inaccessible to the Romans and the king of the Lazi. And neither the Romans nor the Lazi were able to ward off the enemy, for they did not even dare to descend from the mountains or their strongholds, nor to make any advances against the enemy.
Mermeroes, as the winter season came on, built a wooden wall at Cotais and established there a guard of warlike Persians no less than three thousand strong, and he also left a sufficient force of men in Uthimereos. And he also built up the other fortress of the Lazi which they call Sarapanis, situated at the very limit of the territory of Lazica, and remained there. But later, upon learning that the Romans and Lazi were gathering and making camp at the mouth of the Phasis River, he moved against them with his whole army. When Gubazes and the commanders of the Roman army learned this, refusing to withstand the enemy’s attack they dispersed and saved themselves as each found it possible. As for Gubazes, he ran up to the summit of the mountains and there proceeded to pass the winter along with his children and his wife and those particularly intimate with him, putting up with the rigours of winter because of the hopelessness of his present evil situation, but confident of the future because of his hope in Byzantium, and in this way finding consolation for the fortune then present, as men are wont to do, and looking for a better day. And the rest of the Lazi likewise, ashamed to be outdone by King Gubazes, were passing the winter as well as he among the crags, fearing indeed no difficulty from the enemy there, for these mountains are at all times impracticable and wholly inaccessible for an attacking force, and particularly during the winter, but forced to endure mortal suffering through hunger, cold, and the other hardships.
Meanwhile Mermeroes at his leisure built many houses in the villages throughout Mocheresis and established stores of supplies everywhere among these places; then by sending some of the deserters to the heights of the mountains and offering pledges he succeeded in winning over many; these were naturally in want of provisions, and he supplied them in generous measure and cared for them as his own; indeed he carried on the whole administration with an air of complete security, as having become lord of the land. And he wrote the following letter to Gubazes: “Two things there are which harmonize the lives of men, power and wisdom. For some, who, by reason of their power, are superior to their neighbours, both live themselves according to their own desires and also never fail to lead where they wish those less powerful than themselves, while others, though enslaved to the stronger through their weakness, can still remedy their impotence by discretion, and by courting the powerful with flattery are still able to live with their own possessions, enjoying by means of their conciliatory attitude everything of which they are deprived by their weakness. And this does not hold only for some of the nations of men, while it is otherwise in other nations, but one might say that this is implanted in human experience universally in every part of the inhabited world like any other natural characteristic. Do you, accordingly, my dear Gubazes, if you think you are going to overcome the Persians in the war, neither hesitate nor let anything stand in your way. For you will find us in any part of Laziea you may choose ready to meet your attack and prepared in battle-array to fight for this land with all our might; so that in waging a decisive struggle you will have the opportunity to display your valour against us. If, however, even you yourself realize that you are unable to array yourself against the might of the Persians, then do you, good Sir, take the second alternative and ‘know thyself,’ and bow down before your master Chosroes as king and victor and lord. And beg that he be merciful to you in spite of your acts, in order that you may be able henceforth to escape the evils which harass you. For I personally promise that King Chosroes will be merciful to you and will give pledges, furnishing you as hostages sons of the notable rulers in Persia, that you will have your safety and your kingdom and everything else in security for all time. But if neither of these things meets your wish, do you at least go off to some other land and thus grant to the Lazi, who have been reduced to wretchedness through your folly, recovery at length and respite from the difficulties which press upon them, and do not wish to inflict upon them this lingering destruction, being carried on by a deceptive hope, by which I mean assistance from the Romans. For they will never be able to defend you, just as they have not been able up to the present day.” Thus wrote Mermeroes. But even so he did not persuade Gubazes, who remained among the summits of the mountains, awaiting the assistance to come from the Romans and, by reason of his hostility to Chosroes, absolutely unwilling to incline to despair of the Romans. For men as a general thing adapt their decisions to the dictates of their desire, and while, on the one hand, they incline toward the argument which pleases them and espouse all its consequences, not investigating to see whether it may be false, they, on the other hand, are outraged by the one which annoys them and they distrust it, never searching out to see whether it may not be true.
Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον τῶν τινὲς μοναχῶν ἐξ Ἰνδῶν ἥκοντες, γνόντες τε ὡς Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ σπουδῆς εἴη μηκέτι πρὸς Περσῶν τὴν μέταξαν ὠνεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίους, ἐς βασιλέα γενόμενοι οὕτω δὴ τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ μετάξῃ διοικήσεσθαι ὡμολόγουν, ὡς μηκέτι Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκ Περσῶν τῶν σφίσι πολεμίων ἢ ἄλλου του ἔθνους τὸ ἐμπόλημα τοῦτο ποιήσωνται: [2] χρόνου γὰρ κατατρῖψαι μῆκος ἐν χώρᾳ ὑπὲρ Ἰνδῶν ἔθνη τὰ πολλὰ οὔσῃ, ἥπερ Σηρίνδα ὀνομάζεται, ταύτῃ τε ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἐκμεμαθηκέναι ὁποίᾳ ποτὲ μηχανῇ γίνεσθαι τὴν μέταξαν ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων δυνατὰ εἴη. [3] ἐνδελεχέστατα δὲ διερευνωμένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ ἀναπυνθανομένῳ εἰ ὁ λόγος ἀληθὴς εἴη ἔφασκον οἱ μοναχοὶ σκώληκάς τινας τῆς μετάξης δημιουργοὺς εἶναι, τῆς φύσεως αὐτοῖς διδασκάλου τε οὔσης καὶ διηνεκῶς ἀναγκαζούσης ἐργάζεσθαι. [4] ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν σκώληκας ἐνθάδε ζῶντας διακομίζειν ἀμήχανα εἶναι, τὸν δὲ αὐτῶν γόνον εὔπορόν τε καὶ ῥᾴδιον ὅλως. εἶναι δὲ τῶν σκωλήκων τῶνδε τὸν γόνον ᾠὰ ἑκάστου ἀνάριθμα. [5] ταῦτα δὲ τὰ ᾠὰ χρόνῳ πολλῷ τῆς γονῆς ὕστερον κόπρῳ καλύψαντες ἄνθρωποι ταύτῃ τε διαρκῆ θερμήναντες χρόνον ζῷα ποιοῦσι. [6] ταῦτα εἰπόντας ὁ βασιλεὺς μεγάλοις τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοῖς δωρήσασθαι ὁμολογήσας τῷ ἔργῳ πείθει ἐπιρρῶσαι τὸν λόγον. [7] οἱ δὲ γενόμενοι ἐν Σηρίνδῃ αὖθις τά τε ᾠὰ μετήνεγκαν ἐς Βυζάντιον, ἐς σκώληκάς τε αὐτὰ τρόπῳ ᾧπερ ἐρρήθη μεταπεφυκέναι διαπραξάμενοι τρέφουσί τε συκαμίνου φύλλοις, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ γίνεσθαι μέταξαν τὸ λοιπὸν κατεστήσαντο ἐν Ῥωμαίων τῇ γῇ. [8] τότε μὲν οὖν τά τε κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πράγματα Ῥ
ωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ μετάξῃ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχε. [9] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥραν ἀφικόμενος παρὰ Χοσρόην σὺν τοῖς χρήμασιν Ἰσδιγούσνας τὰ ξυγκείμενα σφίσιν ἐσήγγελλε. καὶ ὃς τὰ μὲν χρήματα κεκομισμένος τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ἐπεσφράγισε, Λαζικῆς δὲ μεθίεσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἤθελεν. [10] ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς χρήμασι τούτοις Οὔννων τῶν Σαβείρων ἑταιρισάμενος μέγα τι χρῆμα ξὺν Πέρσαις τισὶ τῷ Μερμερόῃ εὐθὺς ἔπεμψεν. ᾧ δὴ ἐπέστελλεν ἔργου ἔχεσθαι δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, καὶ μὴν καὶ ἐλέφαντάς οἱ πολλοὺς ἔστειλε. [11] Μερμερόης δὲ παντὶ τῷ Περσῶν τε καὶ Οὔννων στρατῷ ἐκ Μοχηρήσιδος ἀναστὰς ἐπὶ τὰ Λαζῶν ὀχυρώματα ᾔει, τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἐπαγόμενος. [12] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐδαμῆ ὑπηντίαζον, ἀλλ̓ ἀμφὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς Φάσιδος ποταμοῦ, Μαρτίνου ἡγουμένου σφίσι, χωρίου ἰσχύι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα κρατυνάμενοι ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον. [13] ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Γουβάζης ὁ Λαζῶν βασιλεύς. οὗτος δὲ ὁ Μήδων στρατός, τύχης αὐτῷ ξυμβάσης τινός, οὐδὲν ἄχαρι οὔτε Ῥωμαίων οὔτε Λαζῶν τινὰ ἔδρασε. [14] τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτα ὁ Μερμερόης ἐν φρουρίῳ τῳ μαθὼν τὴν Γουβάζου ἀδελφὴν εἶναι ἐπ̓ αὐτὸ ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα ὡς ἐξαιρήσων μηχανῇ πάσῃ. [15] καρτερώτατα δὲ ἀμυνομένων τῶν ταύτῃ φρουρῶν καὶ χωρίου σφίσι ξυλλαμβανούσης τῆς φύσεως ὀχυρότητι ἄπρακτοι ἐνθένδε ἀποκρουσθέντες οἱ βάρβαροι ἀνεχώρησαν: ἔπειτα ἐπὶ Ἀβασγοὺς σπουδῇ ἵεντο. [16] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οἱ ἐν Τζιβιλῇ φρουρὰν ἔχοντες τὴν δίοδον καταλαμβάνοντες στενοτάτην τε καὶ κρημνώδη οὖσαν, ᾗπέρ μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, τὸ παράπαν τε ἀδιέξοδον, ἐμπόδιοι σφίσιν ἐγένοντο. [17] διὸ δὴ οὐκ ἔχων ὁ Μερμερόης καθ̓ ὅ τι τοὺς ἀνθισταμένους βιάζηται, ὑπῆγεν ὀπίσω τὸ στράτευμα ἐπί τε Ἀρχαιόπολιν ὡς πολιορκήσων αὐτίκα ᾔει. τοῦ τε περιβόλου ἀποπειρασάμενος, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν προὐχώρει, ἀνέστρεφεν αὖθις. [18] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐπισπόμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ πολλοὺς ἔκτεινον, ἐν τοῖς καὶ τῶν Σαβείρων τὸν ἄρχοντα ξυνηνέχθη πεσεῖν. [19] μάχης τε καρτερᾶς ἀμφὶ τῷ νεκρῷ γενομένης ὕστερον Πέρσαι περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς βιασάμενοι τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐτρέψαντο, ἐπί τε Κόταϊς καὶ Μοχήρησιν ἀπεχώρησαν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις ἐπέπρακτο τῇδε. [20] Τὰ μέντοι ἐπὶ Λιβύης ἅπαντα Ῥωμαίοις εὖ τε καὶ καλῶς καθειστήκει. τῷ γὰρ Ἰωάννῃ, ὅνπερ ἐνταῦθα βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς στρατηγὸν κατεστήσατο, εὐτυχήματα λόγου τε καὶ ἀκοῆς κρείσσω ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. [21] ὃς δὴ ἕνα τῶν ἐν Μαυρουσίοις ἀρχόντων ἑταιρισάμενος, Κουτζίναν ὄνομα, τά τε πρότερα μάχῃ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνίκησε καὶ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ἀντάλαν τε καὶ Ἰαύδαν, οἳ Μαυρουσίων τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ τε καὶ Νουμιδίᾳ τὸ κράτος εἶχον, ὑποχειρίους πεποίηται, εἵποντό τε αὐτῷ ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ. [22] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ πολέμιον Ῥωμαίοις οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἔν γε Λιβύῃ ἐγένετο. τοῖς μέντοι φθάσασι πολέμοις τε καὶ στάσεσιν ἔρημος ἀνθρώπων ἡ χώρα ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον οὖσα διέμεινεν.
XVII
At about this time certain monks, coming from India and learning that the Emperor Justinian entertained the desire that the Romans should no longer purchase their silk from the Persians, came before the emperor and promised so to settle the silk question that the Romans would no longer purchase this article from their enemies, the Persians, nor indeed from any other nation; for they had, they said, spent a long time in the country situated north of the numerous nations of India — a country called Serinda — and there they had learned accurately by what means it was possible for silk to be produced in the land of the Romans. Whereupon the emperor made very diligent enquiries and asked them many questions to see whether their statements were true, and the monks explained to him that certain worms are the manufacturers of silk, nature being their teacher and compelling them to work continually. And while it was impossible to convey the worms thither alive, it was still practicable and altogether easy to convey their offspring. Now the offspring of these worms, they said, consisted of innumerable eggs from each one. And men bury these eggs, long after the time when they are produced, in dung, and, after thus heating them for a sufficient time, they bring forth the living creatures. Alter they had thus spoken, the emperor promised to reward them with large gifts and urged them to confirm their account in action. They then once more went to Serinda and brought back the eggs to Byzantium, and in the manner described caused them to be transformed into worms, which they fed on the leaves of the mulberry; and thus they made possible from that time forth the production of silk in the land of the Romans. At that time then matters stood thus between the Romans and the Persians, both as touching the war and in regard to silk.
After the winter season Isdigousnas arrived at the court of Chosroes with the money and announced the terms agreed upon by them. And Chosroes, upon receiving the money, confirmed the armistice without any hesitation, but he was utterly unwilling to relinquish Lazica. In fact he actually used this money to purchase the alliance of a vast horde of the Sabiri Huns, and he sent them immediately with some Persians to Mermeroes, whom he directed to pursue his task with all the power at his disposal; and he sent him, furthermore, a large number of elephants.
Mermeroes, accordingly, accompanied by the whole army of Persians and Huns, departed from Mocheresis and moved against the strongholds of the Lazi, taking the elephants with him. The Romans, however, offered no resistance whatever, but under the leadership of Martinus they made themselves as secure as possible in a naturally strong position near the mouth of the Phasis River and there remained quiet. And Gubazes, the king of the Lazi, was also with them. But this Medic army, because of a certain chance which befell it, did no harm to anyone either of the Romans or of the Lazi. For in the first place Mermeroes, learning that the sister of Gubazes was in a certain fortress, led his army against this with the intention of capturing it at all hazards. But because the guards of that place offered a most valiant resistance and also because the naturally strong position gave them material assistance, the barbarians were repulsed from the town without accomplishing their purpose and withdrew; whereupon they hastily directed their course against the Abasgi. But the Romans keeping guard in Tzibile seized the pass, which was very narrow and precipitous, as I have stated previously, and quite impossible to force, and thus they blocked their way. Consequent
ly Mermeroes, having no means of dislodging his opponents by force, led his army back and straightway moved on Archaeopolis with the purpose of besieging it. But, upon making trial of the circuit-wall, he met with no success and consequently turned back again. But the Romans followed up the retreating enemy and in a dangerous pass began to slay many of them, among those who fell being, as it chanced, the commander of the Sabiri. And a fierce battle taking place over the corpse, the Persians finally, at dusk, forced back their opponents and routed them, after which they retired to Cotaïs and Mocheresis. Such then were the fortunes of the Romans and the Persians.
- In Libya, on the other hand, affairs had taken an altogether favourable turn for the Romans. For it so fell out that John, whom the Emperor Justinian had appointed General there, met with a number of incredible pieces of good fortune, since after securing the allegiance of one of the Moorish rulers, Cutzinas by name, he first defeated the others in battle, and not long afterwards reduced to subjection Antalas and Iaudas, who held the sovereignty over the Moors of Byzacium and Numidia, and they joined his train in the position of slaves. And as a result of this the Romans had for the time no enemy in Libya at any rate. But by reason of the previous wars and insurrections the land remained for the most part destitute of human habitation.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 522