XXXII
Meanwhile the two thousand Goths arrived; and when Totila had learned that they had reached the stockade, seeing that it was time for the morning meal, he himself went off to his own tent and the Goths began to break up their formation and retire. And when Totila reached his quarters, he found the two thousand already present. He then commanded all to take their meal, and changing his entire equipment he armed himself with all care with the private soldier’s equipment and led the army out straightway against his enemy, thinking that he would fall upon them unexpectedly and thus overwhelm them. But even so he did not find the Romans unprepared. For Narses had feared, as actually happened, that the enemy would fall upon them when they were not expecting it, and so he had given orders that not a single man should either sit down to lunch or go off to sleep or even remove his cuirass, nor yet take his bridle off his horse. However, he did not allow them to be altogether without food, but commanded them to eat a small meal in ranks and with their equipment on, meanwhile maintaining a sharp look-out constantly and expecting the attack of the enemy. However, they were no longer arrayed in the same formation as before, for the Roman wings, in each of which four thousand unmounted horsemen had taken their stand, were moved forward at Narses’ command so as to form a crescent. But the Gothic infantry were all placed in a body in the rear of the cavalry, in order that, if the horsemen should be routed, the fugitives might fall back upon them and be saved, and all could then advance immediately together.
Now orders had been given to the entire Gothic army that they should use neither bow nor any other weapon in this battle except their spears. Consequently it came about that Totila was out-generalled by his own folly; for in entering this battle he was led, by what I do not know, to throw against his opponents his own army with inadequate equipment and outflanked and in no respect a match for their antagonists. For the Romans, on the one hand, made use of each weapon in the fighting according to the particular need of the moment, shooting with bows or thrusting with spears or wielding swords, or using any other weapon which was convenient and suitable at a given point, some of them mounted on horses and others entering the combat on foot, their numbers proportioned to the needs of the situation, so that at one point they could carry out an encircling movement around the enemy, and at another receive a charge and with their shields stop short the attack. The cavalry of the Goths, on the other hand, leaving their infantry behind, and trusting only to their spears, made their charge with reckless impetuosity; and once in the midst of the fray they suffered for their own folly. For in making their charge against their enemy’s centre they had, before they realized it, placed themselves in between the eight thousand infantry, and being raked by their bowshots from either side they gave up immediately, since the bowmen kept gradually turning both the wings of their front so as to form the crescent which I have mentioned above. Consequently the Goths lost many men as well as many horses in this phase of the encounter before they had ever engaged with their opponents, and only after they had experienced very heavy losses did they with difficulty finally reach the ranks of their enemy.
At this point I cannot admire any of the Romans or of their barbarian allies more than the others. For they all shewed a common enthusiasm and displayed the same valour and energy in action, for each of them received the enemy’s attack with the utmost vigour and repulsed the assault. And it was now toward evening when each of the two armies suddenly began to move, the Goths in retreat and the Romans in pursuit. For the Goths could no longer hold out against the onslaught of their enemy, but began to give ground before their attacks, and finally turned precipitately, terrified by their great numbers and their perfect order. And they gave not a thought to resistance, being as filled with terror as if some apparitions of the air had fallen upon them or as if Heaven were warring against them. But when shortly they reached their own infantry, their misfortune was doubled and trebled. For they did not come to them in an orderly retreat, as with the purpose of recovering their breath and renewing the fight with their assistance, as is customary; indeed they had no intention either of throwing back their pursuers by a massed attack or of undertaking a counter pursuit or any other military manoeuvre, but they arrived in such disorder that some of the men were actually destroyed by the onrushing cavalry. Consequently the infantry did not open intervals to receive them nor stand fast to rescue them, but they all began to flee precipitately with the cavalry, and in the rout they kept killing each other just as in a battle at night. Meanwhile the Roman army, profiting by their panic, continued to kill without mercy all who fell in their way, while their victims offered no defence nor dared look them in the face, but gave themselves up to their enemy to treat as they wished; so thoroughly had terror settled upon them and panic possessed them.
Six thousand of the Goths perished in this battle, while great numbers put themselves into the hands of their opponents. These the Romans for the moment made prisoners, but a little later they slew them. And not Goths alone were destroyed, but also great numbers of the old Roman soldiers who had earlier detached themselves from the Roman army and deserted, as I have told in the previous narrative, to Totila and the Goths. But all the soldiers of the Gothic army who had the fortune neither to perish nor to come under the hand of their enemy were able to hide or to flee, according as each could avail himself of horse or foot or good luck so as to find opportunity for the one or a place for the other.
Such was the conclusion of this battle, and complete darkness was already settling down. But Totila was in flight through the night accompanied by not more than five men, one of whom chanced to be Scipuar, pursued by some of the Romans who did not know that he was Totila; among these was Asbadus of the Gepaedes. This man had drawn close to Totila and was charging him with the purpose of thrusting his spear into his back. But a Gothic youth of the household of Totila, who was following his fleeing master, outraged at what was taking place, cried aloud, “What is this, you dog? Are you rushing to smite your own master?” Then Asbadus thrust his spear with all his strength at Totila, but he himself was wounded in the foot by Scipuar and remained there. And Scipuar was wounded in turn by one of the pursuers and stopped, whereupon those who had been making the pursuit with Asbadus, four in number, gave up the chase in order to save him, and turned back with him. But the escort of Totila, thinking that the enemy were still pursuing them, rode forward without pausing, taking him along with great determination, though mortally wounded and fainting, for necessity compelled them to that headlong flight. So after covering eighty-four stades they came to a place called Caprae. Here they rested from travel and endeavoured to treat the wound of Totila, who not long afterwards completed the term of his life. And there his followers buried him in the earth and departed.
Such was the conclusion of the reign and the life of Totila who had ruled the Goths eleven years. But the end which came to him was not worthy of his past achievements, for everything had gone well with the man before that, and his end was not commensurate with his deeds. But here again Fortune was obviously disporting herself and tearing human affairs to shreds by wav of making a display of her own perverse nature and unaccountable will; for she had endowed Totila of her own free will with prosperity for no particular reason for a long time, and then after this fashion smote the man with cowardice and destruction at the present time for no fitting cause. But these things, I believe, have never been comprehensible to man, nor will they ever become so at any future time. And yet there is always much talk on this matter and opinions are being for ever bandied about according to each man’s taste, as he seeks comfort for his ignorance in an explanation which seems reasonable. But I shall return to the previous narrative.
The Romans, indeed, did not know that Totila had been thus taken from the world, until a certain woman of the Gothic race told them and pointed out the grave. But when they heard it they did not think the story sound, and so they came to the spot and with no hesitation dug out the grave and brought up from it the corpse
of Totila; then, they say, after recognizing him and satisfying their curiosity with this sight, they again buried him in the earth and immediately reported the whole matter to Narses.
But some say that Totila’s death and this battle happened otherwise than I have told it: and it has seemed to me not improper to record this version. For these say that the retreat of the Gothic army did not take place in any strange and unaccountable manner, but while some of the Romans were shooting from a distance, a missile from a bow suddenly struck Totila, but not by the purpose of the man who had sent it, for Totila was armed in the fashion of a simple soldier and the place in the phalanx where he stood had been chosen at random; for he did not wish to be manifest to his enemy, nor would he, of course, expose himself to attack; but some chance prepared this fate for him and directed the shaft to the man’s body. Then he, having suffered a mortal wound and being tortured with intense pain, withdrew from the phalanx with a few men and moved slowly away. And as far as Caprae he endured the suffering and continued to ride his horse, but there he fainted and after that remained there to care for his wound, and not long afterwards the final day of his life came upon him. Meanwhile the Gothic army, not being in any case a match for their opponents, upon seeing also that their commander had been unexpectedly rendered unfit for battle, became thunderstruck to think that Totila alone among them had been mortally wounded with no design on the part of the enemy, and consequently they became alarmed and discouraged and were plunged into terror which had no bounds and began to retreat in that disgraceful manner. But concerning these matters let each man speak according to his knowledge.
Ναρσῆς δὲ περιχαρὴς τοῖς ξυμπεπτωκόσι γενόμενος ἐπαναφέρων οὐκ ἀνίει ἐς τὸν θεὸν ἅπαντα, ὅπερ καὶ ὁ ἀληθὴς λόγος ἐγίνετο, τά τε ἐν ποσὶ διῳκεῖτο. [2] καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τῶν οἱ ἐπισπομένων Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἀπαλλαξείων τῆς ἀτοπίας ῾οἵ γε πρὸς τῇ ἄλλῃ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν παρανομίᾳ τάς τε οἰκοδομίας, αἷς ἂν ἐντύχοιεν, ἐνεπίμπρασαν καὶ γυναιξὶ ταῖς ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ καταφευγούσαις βιαζόμενοι ἐπλησίαζον̓ χρήμασι μεγάλοις αὐτοὺς δεξιωσάμενος ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι, Βαλεριανόν τε καὶ Δαμιανόν, τὸν αὑτοῦ ἀδελφιδοῦν, ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐξηγεῖσθαι τῆς ὁδοῦ ἄχρι ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅρια σφίσι κελεύσας, ὅπως μηδενὶ ἐν τῇ ἀποπορείᾳ λυμήνωνται. [3] ἐπειδὴ δὲ Λαγγοβάρδαι ἀπηλλάγησαν ἐκ Ῥωμαίων τῆς γῆς, Βαλεριανὸς ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο ἀμφὶ πόλιν Βερώναν, ὡς πολιορκήσων τε καὶ παραστησόμενος αὐτὴν βασιλεῖ. [4] δείσαντές τε οἱ τὸ φυλακτήριον ταύτῃ ἔχοντες Βαλεριανῷ ἐς λόγους ἦλθον, ὡς σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁμολογίᾳ ἐνδώσοντες. [5] ἃ δὴ Φράγγοι μαθόντες, ὅσοι φρουρὰν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Βενετίας χωρία εἶχον, διεκώλυον προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ τῆς χώρας ἅτε αὐτοῖς προσηκούσης ἀξιοῦντες μεταποιεῖσθαι. καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἄπρακτος ἐνθένδε παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι Βαλεριανὸς ἀνεχώρησε. [6] Γότθοι δέ, ὅσοι ἀποφυγόντες ἐκ τῆς ξυμβολῆς διεσώθησαν, διαβάντες ποταμὸν Πάδον, πόλιν τε Τικινὸν καὶ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ἔσχον, ἄρχοντά τε τὸν Τεΐαν κατεστήσαντο σφίσιν. [7] ὃς δὴ τὰ χρήματα εὑρὼν ἅπαντα ὅσα Τουτίλας ἔτυχεν ἐν Τικινῷ καταθέμενος, Φράγγους ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπαγαγέσθαι διενοεῖτο, Γότθους δὲ ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων διεῖπέ τε καὶ διεκόσμει, ξυλλέγων σπουδῇ ἀμφ̓ αὑτὸν ἅπαντας. [8] ταῦτα ὁ Ναρσῆς ἀκούσας Βαλεριανὸν μὲν ἐκέλευσε πᾶσι τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἀμφὶ Πάδον ποταμὸν φυλακὴν ἔχειν, ὅπως μὴ Γότθοι ἀδεέστερον ξυστήσεσθαι δυνατοὶ εἶεν, αὐτὸς δὲ παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ᾔει. [9] ἐν Τούσκοις τε γενόμενος Ναρνίαν μὲν ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλε, καὶ Σπολιτινοῖς ἀτειχίστοις οὖσι φρουρὰν ἔλιπεν, ἀνοικοδομήσασθαι ὅτι τάχιστα ἐπιστείλας ὅσα τοῦ περιβόλου καθελόντες ἐτύγχανον Γότθοι. [10] ἔπεμψε δὲ καί τινας ἀποπειρασομένους τοῦ ἐν Περυσίᾳ φυλακτηρίου. ἡγοῦντο δὲ τῶν ἐν Περυσίᾳ φρουρῶν αὐτόμολοι γεγονότες Ῥωμαῖοι δύο, Μελιγήδιός τε καὶ Οὔλιφος, ὅσπερ Κυπριανοῦ δορυφόρος γεγονὼς πρότερον, Τουτίλᾳ πολλά οἱ ἐπαγγειλαμένῳ ἀναπεισθεὶς Κυπριανὸν τότε ἄρχοντα τοῦ ἐνταῦθα φυλακτηρίου δόλῳ ἔκτεινεν. [11] ὁ μὲν οὖν Μελιγήδιος λόγους τοῦ Ναρσοῦ ἐνδεξάμενος ἐβουλεύετο ξὺν τοῖς οἱ ἑπομένοις Ῥωμαίοις τὴν πόλιν ἐνδοῦναι, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν Οὔλιφον τῶν πρασσομένων αἰσθόμενοι ξυνίσταντο ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς. [12] καὶ Οὔλιφος μὲν ξὺν τοῖς οἱ ὁμογνωμονοῦσιν αὐτοῦ διεφθάρη, Μελιγήδιος δὲ παρέδωκε Περυσίαν Ῥωμαίοις αὐτίκα. τῷ μέντοι Οὐλίφῳ ξυνέβη τίσις ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ δηλονότι ἐπιπεσοῦσα, ἐν αὐτῷ μάλιστα διεφθάρθαι τῷ χώρῳ, ἵνα δὴ αὐτὸς τὸν Κυπριανὸν διεχρήσατο. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω κεχώρηκε. [13] Γότθοι δὲ οἱ ἐν Ῥώμῃ φυλακὴν ἔχοντες ἐπειδὴ Ναρσῆν τε καὶ τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατὸν ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰόντας ἄγχιστά πη ἐπύθοντο εἶναι, παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς τὰ δυνατὰ σφίσιν ὑπαντιάσοντες. [14] ἐτύγχανε δὲ Τουτίλας πολλὰς μὲν ἐμπρησάμενος τῆς πόλεως οἰκοδομίας, ἡνίκα δὴ αὐτὴν τὸ πρῶτον ἐξεῖλεν. ... ἐν ὑστάτῳ δὲ λογισάμενος, ὡς ἐς ὀλίγους ἀποκεκριμένοι οὐχ οἷοί τέ εἰσι τὸ λοιπὸν Γότθοι ἅπαντα τὸν περίβολον Ῥώμης διαφυλάξαι, τειχίσματι βραχεῖ ὀλίγην τινὰ τῆς πόλεως μοῖραν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀδριανοῦ περιβαλὼν τάφον καὶ αὐτὸ τῷ προτέρῳ τείχει ἐνάψας φρουρίου κατεστήσατο σχῆμα. [15] ἐνταῦθά τε τὰ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τιμιώτατα καταθέμενοι Γότθοι ἐς μὲν τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὸ φρούριον τοῦτο ἐφύλασσον, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο τῆς πόλεως τεῖχος ἀπημελημένον ὑπερεώρων. [16] φρουροὺς τοίνυν σφῶν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χωρίῳ τηνικάδε ἀπολιπόντες ὀλίγους τινὰς οἱ λοιποὶ ἅπαντες ἀμφὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις τοῦ τῆς πόλεως γενόμενοι τείχους τῶν πολεμίων ἀποπειράσασθαι τειχομαχούντων ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον. [17] Ὅλον μὲν οὖν τὸν Ῥώμης περίβολον διὰ μεγέθου�
� ὑπερβολὴν οὔτε Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπιόντες περιβάλλεσθαι εἶχον οὔτε Γότθοι φρουρεῖν. [18] διασκεδαννύμενοι δὲ οἱ μὲν ὅπη παρατύχοι προσέβαλλον, οἱ δὲ ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἠμύνοντο. καὶ Ναρσῆς μὲν τοξοτῶν ἐπαγόμενος μέγα τι χρῆμα ἐς μοῖράν τινα τοῦ περιβόλου ἐπέσκηπτεν, ἑτέρωθι δὲ Ἰωάννης ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ ξὺν τοῖς οἱ ἑπομένοις προσέβαλλε. [19] Φιλημοὺθ δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἔρουλοι κατ̓ ἄλλο τι μέρος ἠνώχλουν, ἑκαστάτω τε αὐτῶν οἱ λοιποὶ εἵποντο. ἐτειχομάχουν δὲ ἅπαντες ὡς ἀπωτάτω ἀλλήλων ὄντες. [20] καὶ κατ̓ αὐτοὺς οἱ βάρβαροι ξυνιστάμενοι ἐδέχοντο τὴν ἐπίθεσιν. τὰ μέντοι ἄλλα τοῦ περιβόλου, ἵνα δὴ Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ἐγένετο προσβολή, ἀνδρῶν ἔρημα παντάπασιν ἦν, Γότθων ἁπάντων ὅπη ἂν οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπισκήψαιεν ἀγειρομένων, ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται. [21] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ γνώμῃ Ναρσοῦ ὁ Δαγισθαῖος στρατιώτας τε παμπληθεῖς ἔχων καὶ τό τε Ναρσοῦ καὶ τὸ Ἰωάννου σημεῖον καὶ κλίμακας πολλὰς ἐπαγόμενος μοίρᾳ τινὶ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐξαπιναίως ἐπέσκηψε, φρουρᾶς τὸ παράπαν ἐρήμῳ οὔσῃ. [22] τάς τε κλίμακας εὐθὺς ἁπάσας οὐδενὸς ἀμυνομένου τῷ τείχει ἐρείσας πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένετο, τάς τε πύλας κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν ἀνέῳγον. [23] ὧνπερ αὐτίκα Γότθοι αἰσθόμενοι οὐκέτι ἐς ἀλκὴν ἔβλεπον, ἀλλ̓ ἔφευγον ἅπαντες ὅπη αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ ἐγεγόνει. καὶ οἱ μὲν εἰς τὸ φρούριον εἰσεπήδησαν, οἱ δὲ δὴ ἐς τὸν Πόρτον ἐχώρησαν δρόμῳ. [24] Ἐνταῦθά μοι τοῦ λόγου ἔννοια γέγονεν ὅντινα ἡ τύχη διαχλευάζει τὰ ἀνθρώπεια τρόπον, οὐκ ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ παρὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἰοῦσα οὐδὲ ἴσοις αὐτοὺς ὀφθαλμοῖς βλέπουσα, ἀλλὰ ξυμμεταβαλλομένη χρόνῳ καὶ τόπῳ, καὶ παίζει ἐς αὐτοὺς παιδιάν τινα παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἢ τὸν χῶρον ἢ τὸν τρόπον διαλλάσσουσα τὴν τῶν ταλαιπώρων ἀξίαν, εἴ γε ὁ Ῥώμην μὲν ἀπολωλεκὼς τὰ πρότερα Βέσσας οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἀνεσώσατο Ῥωμαίοις τῆς Λαζικῆς Πέτραν, ἔμπαλιν δὲ ὁ Δαγισθαῖος Πέτραν τοῖς πολεμίοις μεθεὶς ἀνεκτήσατο ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ βασιλεῖ Ῥώμην. [25] ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν γέγονέ τε τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ ἀεὶ ἔσται, ἕως ἂν ἡ αὐτὴ τύχη ἀνθρώποις ᾖ. Ναρσῆς δὲ τότε παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τὸ φρούριον πολεμῶν ᾔει. [26] κατορρωδήσαντές τε οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ τὰ πιστὰ ὑπὲρ τῶν σωμάτων κεκομισμένοι σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ φρούριόν οἱ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα παρέδοσαν, ἕκτον τε καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος. [27] οὕτω τε Ῥώμη ἐπὶ τούτου βασιλεύοντος τὸ πέμπτον ἑάλω, ἧσπερ εὐθὺς ὁ Ναρσῆς τῶν πυλῶν τὰς κλεῖς βασιλεῖ ἔπεμψε.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 538