by Brian Vale
Q - Did his Lordship express himself displeased on the subject of the letter?
A - Yes.
Q - Did you express your approbation of the letter before this Lordship?
Q - Yes, I did, and apprised him that it had no intention of giving offence.
Q - Did you state your conviction that you were quite satisfied that, from your knowledge of your officers, they could mean no disrespect to his Lordship?
A - I have done so repeatedly.
Q - Was the letter in question such a one as you could have sent to an Admiral in the service of England on a similar subject?
(The Court directed that this question should not be put.)
Q - Did that explanation to his Lordship on behalf of your officers appear unsatisfactory?
A - Yes, it did not appear to satisfy his Lordship at all.
Q - When did you next see his Lordship?
A - The same evening, as soon as I heard the officers had been put under arrest.
Q - What was the nature of your conversation with his Lordship on your going on board the O'Higgins?
A - We spoke of many things, but the first was upon endeavouring to impress upon his Lordship's mind that the officers of the Valdivia had a high regard and respect for him.
Q - Did you remonstrate with his Lordship on the inconvenience to which the service would be exposed by the measure his lordship had adopted?
A - Yes I did state that my conviction was that the said officers intended the letter rather as a compliment than otherwise and apprised him that I would on no account appear to justify disrespectful conduct in my officers to their superiors.
Q -Did you at any time solicit that his Lordship
should see these officers whose wish it was to remove the unfavourable impression made on his Lordship's mind in consequence of their representation?
A - I asked him if he would see them.
Q - Did his lordship refuse that request?
A - Yes, his lordship's answer was 'I have seen too much of the world not to see their real intentions'.
Q - Did his Lordship say what that intention was?
A - No, I think not.
Q - Will you be good enough to state to the court your opinion of the character of your officers?
A - I take great pleasure in stating to the court that during the period in which the officers were under my command, they conducted themselves entirely to my satisfaction; and I have to express that on all occasions they were foremost in showing their zeal for the service and were always most anxious and ready to volunteer on every occasion, however hazardous, in which they might render service to the state and raise the character and reputation of their gallant commander-in-chief; and, as I had before stated to the Admiral, if I had my choice of officers there are none in the fleet on whom I should fix in preference to them. I further advised the Admiral that I was ready to undertake any plan of his Lordship, having seen them with me on service of a similar nature before. 8
During the court martial proceedings the defendants tried to defend themselves, insisting that no disrespect had been intended, and complaining that Cochrane's entourage had pried into private conversations in order to try and prove the last charge. But their efforts were pointless. The five men freely admitted that they had written the letter, and the framing of the charge left no alternative but a guilty verdict. Purser Frew and Surgeon Michael were cashiered, while Lieutenants Bell and Freeman and Assistant Surgeon Kernan were severely reprimanded and dismissed from their ship.
But it was not over. John Tooker Spry had watched the moves against Guise with growing alarm, aware that Cochrane's antipathy made him the next target.9 So, on 22 February 1821, when Galvarino was ordered to sea, Spry accepted the inevitable and asked to be replaced in command. Cochrane demanded a further explanation. Spry obeyed and replied in writing that he had come to Chile under Guise's patronage, and that if Guise were forced to resign, he too would have to go.10 Cochrane promptly ordered a court martial and moved the Galvarino under the guns of the O'Higgins claiming that the ship was in a state of mutiny.11 In fact this was untrue. As his successor, Crosbie himself testified, Spry had handed his ship over in good order with no sign of any insubordination on board.12 Indeed, contemporary observers described Spry as 'a very skilful naval officer and a brave and zealous officer', adding 'there is no ship in the Chilean Navy in a better state of discipline than the Galvarino.'13 Cochrane had then boarded the brig and told the crew contemptuously from the quarterdeck that he did not want their services and that he could execute his plans without them and without their ship.14
Spry's court martial sat on 3 and 5 March. Lord Cochrane preferred three charges - one, that Spry had refused to put to sea when ordered; two, that he had threatened to resign in sympathy with Guise; and three, that he had incited his ship's company to protest. Spry objected to the appointment of Cochrane's follower Henry Dean as Judge Advocate on the grounds that his neutrality was compromised by attempts to pump the Galvarino's officers for complaints against him. But to no avail. Spry was found guilty of the second charge and part of the third, was dismissed from his command and put at the bottom of the list of captains.
Although to an impartial observer the whole affair was a storm in a teacup, Cochrane seemed genuinely to believe that there had been a conspiracy against him. He also felt that Guise had betrayed him. Cochrane told him bluntly that his elevation to command of Valdivia had been intended as a sign of favour, a compliment to Guise's qualities as a gentleman, and proof that he had drawn a veil over past disagreements. He ended the letter with the rueful reflection that 'these differences would never have existed had it not been for the evil influence of Captain Spry and the malevolent pen of Dr Michael.'15 Guise replied that the real problem had been caused by Cochrane's own staff who had been intriguing against him from the beginning. 'Look around you', he replied, 'and amongst those who share your confidence, patronage and protection ... you cannot be ignorant of the means that have been resorted to against me.'16
Guise and the others then made an appeal to San Martin. The Captain General was on amicable terms with Cochrane and had been careful to avoid difficulties with the prickly Vice Admiral. This was one of the reasons that had led him to praise effusively the capture of the Esmeralda, and to rename the frigate in his honour. San Martin therefore decided that he could intervene without causing offence. At the end of March, the officers returned with a letter from the Captain General asking that Guise be restored to command and the officers appointed to his ship. There then followed an exchange of correspondence in which Cochrane - who relished written disputations - cleverly frustrated all their efforts. After a few days, Guise and his men realised that they had been outmanoeuvred.17 Guise's last words were bitter, provoking Cochrane to reveal his true motive by writing:
you are pleased to notice that had I no object but personal injury it could not have been more successfully completed. I am convinced that this expression ... arises from that irritability of mind for which I have more than once told you you are most remarkable - stimulated by disappointment in your endeavour to force back upon the service a club of officers who have so scandalously misconducted themselves; and who vainly hoped that union would be the best means to place you, their patron, in the chief command of the squadron.18
Spry did better. Needing a naval aide-de-camp, and knowing Spry was available, San Martin appointed him to the post. It was only afterwards that he received Cochrane's letters reporting on Spry's alleged insubordination and complaining of a further incident when the Admiral had accidentally met him dining ashore with Colonel Miller and Major Hind. The two marines had promptly leapt to their feet and removed their hats, leaving Spry seated and defiantly covered. When challenged by Cochrane, he had walked out.19 San Martin was embarrassed but felt unable to sack Spry without further reason. And in spite of what is said in the Narrative of Services, Cochrane made no objection to the appointment beyond pointing out that Guise was a more experience
d candidate for the post.20 Nevertheless, to persist in the appointment showed poor judgement by San Martin who by this time was fully aware of Cochrane's sensibilities. Indeed, to some outside observers it looked like a studied insult.21
In the months following the capture of the Esmeralda, Cochrane settled back into the routine of the blockade, seizing ten Spanish-flagged coasters and eight more British merchant ships, some of them - to the dismay of local merchants - taken within sight of ships of the Royal Navy. The new detainees comprised the Edward Ellis and Lord Suffield carrying wine, hardware and quicksilver from Europe, Catalina and Colombia with general cargoes, Indian with earthenware and Diadem, Robert and Walsingham loaded with flour. They were sent to an assembly point at Huacho to join Rebecca and Speculator - the latter detained not by the navy but by the commander of the fort at Pasamoyo. In accordance with their instructions, the Royal Navy's captains did nothing beyond issuing formal protests and trusting that the Chilean prize courts would rectify any illegal detentions. Indeed, they not only declined to use force to protect British merchant ships, but actually told the Chileans that they had no intention of doing so.22
Officers of the United States Navy followed a more vigorous line. When the USS Macedonian left Callao at the end of November, she passed Cochrane's blockading line with five American ships under the protection of her guns - Zephyr, Pallas, Dick, Panther and Savage. By arrangement with Captain Searle of Hyperion - who fired a salute to underline this instance of Anglo-American solidarity - she was also accompanied by the British ships Egham, Matilda and Royal Sovereign. With the American frigate cleared for action, Cochrane's blockading squadron refrained from interfering and let them pass even though they believed that Downes was carrying Spanish as well as neutral money. On her way home to the United States, Macedonian stopped off at Huacho on Christmas Day and, finding American merchantman Louisa detained in the anchorage, promptly forced her release as well. Her replacement on the station, the USS Constellation, followed exactly the same policy. Indeed, the first act of Captain Charles Ridgley on his arrival off Peru in May was to retake the American ships Chesapeake and Warrior from the Chileans in the port of Coquimbo. The captains and owners of detained British merchantmen were dismayed that warships of their own navy were not taking similar action!23
While all this was going on, there were significant changes taking place in Cochrane's domestic life. Following her husband's departure with the Great Expedition to Peru, Kitty had continued to enjoy herself, both in terms of the socialising she enjoyed so much and of satisfying her curiosity about the fascinating scenery of Chile. In Santiago, she had been a welcome visitor at the homely residence in which O'Higgins lived with the female members of his family. For the Supreme Director never married but lived in simple, unostentatious style with his mother Dona Isabella, to whom he was devoted, and his formidable sister Dona Rosa who acted as First Lady. Kitty's courage and spirit also led her to explore the wild foothills of the Andes with children, nanny and servants in tow. Indeed, on the very day Cochrane was capturing Esmeralda, Kitty was battling her way through snowdrifts on the high mountain passes that linked Chile with Argentina heading for Mendoza, just over the border. All this was exciting: it was also dangerous and on a least one occasion the party was threatened by robbers.
Lord and Lady Cochrane's time in South America was the first occasion on which they had been separated for any lengthy period since they were married; and the absence seemed to take its toll. Kitty's letters to her husband at this time were full of both longing and concern - for Cochrane's own communications were beginning to reflect the stress he was under and the persecution and betrayal from which he was convinced he was suffering. In one passage she referred to 'that tendency to despair which is now so strongly depicted in your letters'. In another she begged him to 'Keep your mind at rest my dearest and most beloved Cochrane, and for my sake take care of yourself and remember that absence strengthens and not diminishes love.'24 But by the end of 1820, the strain of separation had become too great and, on 9 December, Kitty embarked with her three children on HMS Andromache bound for Peru.
Andromache reached Callao on 29 December, and a fortnight later, the Cochrane family were reunited when O'Higgins and Esmeralda rejoined the blockade after an unsuccessful search for Venganza and Prueba on the high seas. But Kitty had not wasted her time. She had always been worried about the validity of the ceremonials that had punctuated their unorthodox lifestyle and had, for example, insisted that their runaway marriage was later confirmed in no less than two religious ceremonies - one according to the rites of the Church of Scotland, the other by the rites of the Church of England. Now Kitty took the opportunity to have baby Elizabeth and little Horace christened, or rechristened, by the Andromache's Anglican Chaplain, the Rev Henry Thomas Taylor.25 Finally, on 16 January 1821, Kitty and the baby were transferred to the O'Higgins and, leaving the boys behind in the care of Captain Shirreff, she sailed with the Chilean squadron to Huacho. In his memoirs, Cochrane described one occasion when Kitty, then on board the O'Higgins, fired cannon at a 'treasure ship' and promptly fainted. If this incident ever happened, it must have been at this time, although the vessel in question was probably nothing more than a blockade runner. Cochrane, like so many of his contemporaries, seemed to believe the legends originating from the time of Drake that South American waters were filled with treasure galleons!
The excitement continued when they reached Huacho, a small port 70 miles north of Callao commanding the fertile valley of the Huera, which San Martin had selected as his headquarters and base for the army. It was there that Colonel Miller, now in command of the 8th Buenos Aires Regiment of black infantrymen and a squadron of cavalry, was disembarking with his men for an incursion into the interior. Kitty went ashore and was invited to inspect the troops. She was a sensation. As Miller recorded in his memoirs, when he introduced her as their 'Lady General', the men greeted the vision of the young and vivacious brunette on the back of an enormous horse with cheers and wild enthusiasm.26 Cochrane then put to sea, leaving Kitty to go off on a brief tour of Peru in which she soon established - not withstanding her husband's position -warm personal relationships with the local Spanish aristocracy. Escorted by James Paroissien, she left Huacho on the afternoon of 28 January, and headed north on the first leg of a journey inland to Quilca. Once more she enjoyed crossing mountains and deserts and swinging over precipitous ravines on rickety rope bridges. But, while staying at the palace of the Marquesa de la Placer at Quilca, she heard rumours of a plot to kidnap her and her child and hold them hostage. Borrowing a palanquin from the obliging Marquis of Torre Tagle, Kitty made a dash for the coast, passing through an area where an epidemic of typhus was raging. She reached Huacho on 14 February and immediately joined her sons in the welcoming sanctuary of HMS Andromache. But alas, for baby Elizabeth Joséphine - less than a year old and already ailing - the rush through the fever infested coast of Peru proved to be too much and, on 20 February 1821, Captain Shirreff sadly noted the baby's death in the frigate's log.27 The body was put in spirits to preserve it until Christian burial could be arranged. For Lord Cochrane this blow added to the strain he was already under. In March, he wrote sadly to tell O'Higgins the news, and prepared to send Kitty and the children home to safety in England on the Andromache.28 The frigate was at that moment loading gold and bullion worth some $1,500,000, for Andromache had been given permission to carry remittances from British merchants in Peru back to England. In view of the notoriously extravagant lifestyle of Captain Shirreff and his wife, the £3000 he received for carrying this 'freight' would come in handy.29
Andromache sailed for England on 10 April 1821. Happily, Kitty and the children were to have company on the voyage, for also on board was the former Vice Reine of Peru, Dona Angela de la Pezuela, who was returning to Europe with servants, baggage and - on the authority of Thomas Collings - the silver viceregal chamber pot.30 Captain Shirreff's men spent a week building a special cabin for her. Cochrane sa
ys that when he was introduced to Dona Angela at this time, he was gratified when the Vice Reine expressed surprise that he was a quiet gentleman and not the vicious brute she had imagined. The exit of Dona Angela's husband, the former Viceroy, was not so easy. Don Joaquin de la Pezuela had to be smuggled out of Peru in the American merchantman General Brown, joining the ship in an open boat after she had left Callao and had passed through the Chilean blockading squadron escorted by the USS Constellation. San Martin was seriously annoyed at this American breach of neutrality but could do nothing about it.
Chapter 11
THE LIBERATION OF PERU
On land, San Martin's campaign against the royalists in Peru followed its slow and relentless course. With little hope of help from Spain, and unable to bring the liberating army to action, the royalists began to bicker among themselves. For political reasons, Viceroy Pezuela was determined to hold Lima. His generals objected, arguing that the defence of a static position prevented them from concentrating their forces and going in search of the enemy. At the end of January, Pezuela was overthrown in a palace revolution and replaced as Viceroy by the army commander, General José de la Serna. Then in May, Manuel Abreu, the Peace Commissioner sent by the government, arrived at last from Madrid. De la Serna, in spite of his better judgement, was forced to ask for a 20-day armistice and even approached Captain Spencer of the Owen Glendower to ask if the British would act as guarantor of any agreement with San Martin.1 The talks in fact got nowhere, due partly to the fact that self-government was not on the royalist agenda, and partly to divisions on the Spanish side. Abreu was impressed with San Martin's support for the idea that the South American republics should become monarchies ruled by members of the Spanish Royal Family and wanted to take a conciliatory line, whereas de la Serna, confident of a victory, was eager to concentrate the 20,000 troops he commanded, take the offensive and smash the rebels once and for all. The talks broke down with acrimony on the royalist side - de la Serna angrily denouncing Abreu for acting 'more like an agent of the dissidents than a deputy of Your Majesty' and Abreu accusing the new Viceroy of being uncooperative and abusive.2