by Brian Vale
Having sorted that out, Cochrane travelled up the broad carriage road to Santiago to meet Bernardo O'Higgins and his ministers. His first act was to report to the Ministry of Marine and to hand over the squadron's accounts for the Peruvian campaign so that they could be sent to the Tribunal of Accounts for approval.9 According to Cochrane's calculations, when all the items of income and expenditure had been set against each other, there remained a balance of $67,000, or £13,200, in his favour. He expected speedy repayment. There was, however, an immediate delay and it was not until 8 August that Stevenson was able to provide the original documents and supporting vouchers, which had been kept in a haphazard fashion on the O'Higgins.10 This stimulated a batch of questions about the organisation of the transports that had carried San Martin's army to Peru, how the troops had been fed, and what supplies had been taken. Irritated, Cochrane pointed out that these matters were not his responsibility. On this occasion, Cochrane spent a fortnight in the capital, discussing the squadron's future and lobbying for the repair of his ships and the payment of salaries owed to his men.
In Santiago, Cochrane found much to approve of. O'Higgins was about to introduce a liberal constitution, which created an elected Convention, an executive headed by himself as Director, and an independent judiciary. He was also about to enact commercial regulations designed to promote local manufactures and stimulate trade with the outside world. But on the other side of the coin, the effort of liberating Peru had left Chile impoverished, and the government had so little money that even O'Higgins and his ministers had not been paid for months. They were, however, taking a sensible view of their situation. Other South American governments were rushing to issue loans on an excited London market - Greater Colombia was already trying to raise £2 million, and Peru was about to seek £1.2 million. But the Chileans were more prudent. Aware that the repayments would make the deficit on the state budget even greater, and perhaps realising the costs and risks - for little of the money raised in these loans actually reached the governments involved - O'Higgins explicitly prohibited Antonio Irrisarra, who was now official Chilean Agent in London, from doing the same.11 Irrisarra unfortunately ignored his orders.
Dogged by these financial problems, it was impossible for the Chilean Government to respond quickly to Cochrane's demands that the squadron be paid and his ships refitted after their long absences. In fact, only six ships remained in service: and of these only Independencia, Galvarino and the schooner Montezuma were fit for use. Valdivia, O'Higgins and Lautaro needed extensive repairs. And of Chile's other vessels, San Martin, Intrepido and the schooner Aranzaza had been wrecked; Pueyrredon and Chacabuco were worn out; and Araucano had been carried off by mutineers on the coast of Mexico.12 Echeverria and his colleagues were also convinced that the naval war against Spain was effectively over, and knew that Peru now had a navy of its own. Did Chile still need a large naval force any more? Was the enormous cost of repairs justified? The minister intended to make a statement on the subject to the Convention at the end of September, and needed Cochrane's views.
But there was bad news as well. Cochrane learnt that a catalogue of complaint against his actions in Peru had been lodged by San Martin's aides, James Paroissien and Garcia del Rio, who were in Santiago on their way to Europe to find a monarch for independent Peru and to raise a loan. In a closely written document, 12 pages long, the Peruvians had produced a set of detailed accusations against Cochrane for his 'negligence', his 'enormous and inexcusable crimes', his 'predominant passion, avarice' and his attempts to 'slander and speak ill of the administration'.13 The Chileans were deeply embarrassed - not least because both Echeverria and O'Higgins had replied to the letters in which Cochrane had justified his actions by giving their approval!14 They tried to hush the matter up. But, stunned and furious at any criticism, Cochrane began to compose a bitter list of counter accusations. San Martin's charges were denounced by Cochrane and his supporters for being 'as frivolous as they are base ... hints and innuendos [that] struck at his honour and personal safety and . atrocious calumnies,' which 'could be disproved from documents in O'Higgins's possession.'15 But the task of discrediting them was not so easy, for the Peruvian document was filled with detail and direct quotations from his own letters.
When he returned to Valparaiso at the end of June, Cochrane was able to focus his attention on something more agreeable - his steamer, the Rising Star. Ordered to conduct sea trials, and anxious to demonstrate the advantages of such advanced technology, on 7 July Cochrane invited friends and local worthies - including Zenteno, Wilkinson, Crosbie, Captain the Honourable Fred Spencer of HMS Alacrity and Maria Graham - aboard for a cruise up the coast under steam. At first, all went well and the Rising Star forged ahead at a good four miles an hour, her tall double chimneys belching smoke. But as the weather deteriorated and night fell, the machinery broke down. Cochrane, with his usual confidence in mechanical gadgets, had not had the sails bent to the yards before leaving, so there were some uncomfortable and nauseous hours for the passengers amid a blustery wind and an angry sea while that was done. At dawn, with the sky even blacker, the Rising Star had to return under sail. This was all very disappointing but Cochrane remained optimistic.
Others were not so sure. In England the engines had given constant trouble and had caused much additional expense. Antonio Irrisarra, the Chilean Agent in London, had found the situation alarming and commented that for the British Admiralty or the King of France to experiment with a steamer might be worth while, but for a poor state like Chile it was a wild and imprudent gamble.16 Indeed the costs of the Rising Star rose so steeply that Edward Ellice, who by then had invested £8000, threatened to pull out and sell the vessel. Alvarez appealed to Major William Cochrane to support his brother and offered an arrangement whereby a contractor would buy the steamship for £6000, iron out the final problems with its engines and then deliver her to Valparaiso. Once there, he guaranteed that the Chilean Government would purchase the vessel for £15,000, and transfer the right to import goods into Chile duty free, which had originally been promised to Edward Ellice. Unwisely, Major Cochrane decided to take on the task himself, and had sold most of his assets, including his commission in the 15th Hussars, to raise the money.17 Now he had safely delivered the Rising Star to Valparaiso. But her arrival put the government in an embarrassing position. It was already desperately short of money. The war at sea was effectively over. And the wonder weapon did not work! Nevertheless, O'Higgins's sense of honour was such that he promised to fulfil the agreement with William Cochrane as soon as his impoverished state could raise the money.18
Lord Cochrane was now granted four months' leave and the use of the schooner Montezuma, commanded by Lieutenant John Pascoe Grenfell. He spent much of July, August and September in his country estate at Quintero, taking delivery of tools and seeds newly arrived from England, and examining the machinery that engineer John Miers had brought out with him for rolling copper and stamping metal dies. The two had gone into partnership with a view to obtaining contracts for revising the coinage but were running into problems with the Mint. There was more excitement when a state-of-the-art lithographic press arrived - a vital tool for someone with Lord Cochrane's penchant for proclamations. Although he and Jackson were already occupied with a rebuttal of San Martin's charges, Cochrane was able to relax and concentrate on building his new house on the Quintero estate. It was set in a delightful location, amid rolling green pastureland scattered with herds of grazing cattle by the side of a fresh water lake facing the sea against a distant backdrop of the cordillera. These were the animals that were to furnish the raw materials for the business in salted meat and ships' biscuits that Cochrane and Miers hoped to develop. There were also frequent groups of visitors to entertain, which included Miers and his family, William Stevenson and Mrs Maria Graham. Thus present at Quintero at the same time were three people whose published memoirs were to be responsible for publicising the Cochrane story of heroism betrayed. It is hardly surprising that t
heir versions of events were so similar. Another grateful visitor was the erstwhile defender of Valdivia, Colonel Fausto de Hoyos of the Cantabria Regiment. Cochrane had found him imprisoned in Santiago but had managed to persuade the authorities to release him under open arrest under his personal supervision.
Some biographers have tried to add spice to the story by suggesting that a romance developed between Cochrane and Mrs Graham at this time. In the small expatriate community of Valparaiso it was inevitable that they would meet - especially with Scotland, friends and a naval background in common. Maria was a proud - though hard up - member of the ubiquitous Dundas family; her father, George, had been a Rear Admiral; and her husband, Thomas Graham, had been on HMS Thesis in 1794 when Cochrane had been midshipman. Maria was certainly overawed by the famous Cochrane but there is no evidence or likelihood that there was any kind of relationship between them. They met seldom and, if not in the company of others, always in the presence of Maria's cousin William Glennie, a midshipman who had been invalided from HMS Doris in Chile to recover his health. Likewise, the only references to her in Cochrane's correspondence are cool, expressing only sympathy towards her as a naval widow marooned so far from home.19 There is every indication that this was true. At a time when the aristocracy were notable for elastic morals and easy liaisons, Cochrane showed little interest in women other than his wife, and conducted himself with strict Scottish propriety in his dealings with the opposite sex. A more likely explanation for the close relationship between Mrs Graham and Cochrane's entourage is that the latter were fully aware of her literary reputation and decided to ensure that her book on Chile would tell the 'correct' story. Certainly, she was fully supplied with copies of Cochrane's official correspondence, and was briefed so successfully by his partisans that the portrayal she gives of San Martin and other of Cochrane's 'enemies' are - for her - unusually severe and inaccurate.
Lord Cochrane's leave was frequently interrupted when urgent matters called him away. There was, for example, the problem of seeing that the squadron was paid. The men were growing increasingly restive, and Lautaro was briefly seized by mutineers returning from an attack on the royalist privateer base on the Island of Chiloe. Then, the Chilean Accountant General, Correa de Sa, refused to approve Cochrane's accounts. This created a real problem. During much of the Peruvian campaign Cochrane had been left to fend for himself in finding supplies for the squadron. As a result, he had met his needs from a variety of sources - provisions, in the shape of corn, rice, cordage, naval stores, clothes, hardware and rum from the enemy; and money from seizures, trading 'licenses', and the local sale of prizes ships. The squadron's outgoings were just as complicated, covering the purchase of food, drink, clothing, naval supplies and equipment; and the distribution of pay and prize money to more than 1000 men.20 All this made the squadron's accounts complex and unusual. An accountant, skilled in the methods of the time, might have been able to keep track of it. But the task was beyond the capabilities of Cochrane's staff - Stevenson and Dean. As a result, the accounts contained irregularities, unauthorised payments, missing receipts and faulty arithmetic. Until these were settled, the Chilean Accountant General, Correa de Sa, would not approve them. On 2 September, he wrote to Cochrane raising 80 queries and asking the Vice Admiral to appoint a representative to go through them in detail.21 Cochrane was deeply offended. As one of the heroes of independence, he expected his accounts to be nodded through without examination. It was a view that no auditor could accept. Cochrane refused to reply, and the accounts remained unapproved. In retaliation, Cochrane and his partisans depicted the $67,000 balance as a 'debt' that the Chileans were neglecting to repay.
Then, at the end of September Cochrane received letters from Captains Wilkinson and Cobbett reporting a rumour that, while the squadron went unpaid, Cochrane was feathering his own nest by shipping 9000 ounces of gold dust and a similar quantity in gold and silver bars to England on HMS Doris.22 With gold selling at $17 an ounce and silver at $7, this would have amounted to some $260,000, or £52,200! The letters were accompanied by a petition of support from his remaining junior officers. Cochrane was aghast - especially as he was actually about to put $8497 in cash on the Doris! To safeguard his reputation, he hurried to Valparaiso to discover that the story had been spread by a former follower, the unruly Lieutenant Ford Morgell. A letter to O'Higgins quickly put things to rights and ensured the end of Morgell's career.23 Unfortunately, however, by the time he wrote the Narrative of Services, Cochrane's obsession with Zenteno was so great that the unfortunate minister was accused of having been behind the 'plot'.
Then, on 12 October, the Peruvian brig-of-war Belgrano dropped anchor in Valparaiso. On board was no less a person than General San Martin. The liberation of Peru had not gone as expected. The royalists had remained undefeated in the mountains, growing stronger and more aggressive, and a meeting in Guayaquil between San Martin and Simon Bolivar, who had recently decisively defeated the Spaniards in Colombia and taken control of Guayaquil itself from San Martin's men, was inconclusive. Ruthless and confident, Bolivar sensed that his rival's cause had lost momentum and was not inclined to throw him a lifeline. The idea of a joint assault on the royalists therefore got nowhere. Politically, too, San Martin was in trouble. In Peru, the situation had deteriorated, with the Protector and his colleagues facing increasing unpopularity and accusations of tyranny and unbridled ambition. Disillusioned, San Martin decided he had had enough. True to his principles, in September 1822, he had handed power to a Sovereign Congress and retired to become a private citizen.
San Martin's arrival in Chile caused a stir, but created no problem. He explained that he was on his way to Europe via his home in the Argentine, and was in Chile to bathe his rheumatic arm in a well-known local Spa. The presence of the General in the country for two months caused some unease, but his stature as a Liberator and his long service to the cause of South American independence ensured that he was received with respect and courtesy. Only Lord Cochrane was out of step. Making one of those misjudgements that studded his career, he wrote to O'Higgins proposing an inquiry into San Martin's conduct with himself as chief prosecutor. He was, he wrote, 'ready to prove his 'usurpation of the Supreme Authority in Peru his attempts to seduce the navy of Chile; his receiving and rewarding deserters from the Chilean service; his unjustifiable placing of the frigates Prueba and Venganza under the flag of Peru; with other demonstrations and acts of hostility towards the Republic of Chile.'24 The Chileans tactfully ignored him. Cochrane withdrew once more to his estate to avoid the embarrassment of meeting the former Protector.
But the idyll at Quintero was shattered when, on the night of 19 November, central Chile was struck by the first in a series of tremendous earthquakes. There were tidal waves, violent shifts in the earth and changes in sea level. Valparaiso and others towns were wrecked, and there was wholesale destruction of houses, churches and public buildings. Penitents prayed in the streets to avert what was clearly divine retribution, while the more practical fled inland or took refuge on the ships in the bay. The shocks continued intermittently for a month, and only petered out at the end of December. It was only then that the slow work of repair and reconstruction could begin. But these natural disasters were matched by political turmoil. The honeymoon of Chilean independence was over and, in the south, Cochrane's old collaborator, General Freire, had raised the flag of revolt and had begun the slow march north that would end in the removal of Bernardo O'Higgins. On Freire's behalf, Captain Casey tried to rally the squadron to join him, but Cochrane declined to become involved.
By this time the Chilean Government had decided on the squadron's future. Inevitably, it was to decommission the bulk of the ships and pay off their crews. In October, stimulated by continuing protests and a petition by their captains, orders were given to collect the necessary money.25 Within six weeks this had been done and the task of paying the officers and men began.
It was clear to Lord Cochrane that his time in Chile was coming
to an end. In four years he had done all that had been expected of him - and more, since by using his own initiative, he had delivered victories that his employers had not thought possible. He was also emotionally drained and depressed by the arguments over pay for the squadron, with San Martin's criticisms, and with his difficulties in getting the money he felt he was owed. Maria Graham noted that he looked far from well. But what of the future? However attractive a rural existence at Quintero may have seemed, it would never have satisfied a man of Cochrane's energetic temperament. He was therefore open to any offer that would enable him to use his military talents and, at the end of November, it arrived in the form of a letter from the Brazilian Agent in Buenos Aires, Antonio Correa da Camera. Brazil was on the brink of a war of independence against Portugal and its Emperor Pedro had given orders that Cochrane, fresh from his triumphs in the Pacific, should be invited to command the Brazilian Navy. Written in French and phrased in irresistible rhetoric, Correa de Camera's letter read:
Come, My Lord, Honour invites you. Glory is calling to you. A Generous Prince and a whole Nation await you. Come, reborn Hercules, and with your honourable efforts help to tame the Hundred-Headed Hydra of a frightful Despotism. The west of America is saved by virtue of your Arm. ... the Sacred Standard of Independence is unfurled from the Galapagos as far as the Cedar Isles of California! Come now and furnish our Naval Arms with the wonderful order and incomparable Discipline of Mighty Albion!26