Both Bothwell and Elliot managed to severely wound each other, so it is possible to interpret the fight not as a knightly duel, but as a savage brawl possibly in a ditch, with each hacking and thrusting frantically at the other, and with Bothwell besting 'Little Jock o' the Park' by living.
However, it is puzzling that Elliot dismounted from his horse and tried to escape on foot, a possible reason might be that he was close to Braidley Burn, where at that time the head of the Elliot family, one Martin Elliot had a tower, hence it is feasible that he was attempting to take shelter there, also the tree and shrub cover was probably quite a lot denser then than it is now; another possibility is that he was riding a Galloway pony, a common form of mount for a reiver and was simply out matched by the Earl's horse – so many possibilities.
The only known reference that is readily available, the 'Diurnal of Occurrents' notes that 'Little Jock 'O' the Park' was later found dead on the top of a hill approximately a mile from the place of the skirmish.
In his letter, Lord Henry Scrope refers to the skirmish as having occurred the day before; therefore, as his letter was dated the 6 Oct. the skirmish must have occurred on the 5 th.,
and the first sweep of Liddesdale would have been the day before that (4 Oct. 1566). The journey from Edinburgh would have been a full day's ride, being close to 60 miles, this would not have left time for the first sweep that day, hence, Earl Bothwell must have left Edinburgh on the 3 Oct. 1566, and not as normally stated by some authors as late as the – 8 October. Arriving late on the 3 Oct. would have had the advantage that news of the Earl and his troop of Borderers' arrival would not have had time to become general knowledge, and therefore allowing for a surprise attack on the Armstrongs the following day, during the first sweep of Liddesdale.
If Lord Scrope was able to write about the event on the 6 Oct. at 'Berwick on Tweed,' then it is highly likely that the news of Bothwell's skirmish with Elliot, had reached the 'Royal Court' at Holyroodhouse by much the same time, but certainly no later than the 7 Oct., so it is likely that Mary Queen of Scots knew about this momentous and important event before she left on her 'Progress' to Jedburgh. In fact Buchanan's words suggest this: ''At her arrival at Jedburgh, she heard sure news of Bothwell's life …'' his comments are not saying that she was informed of the skirmish, but that he was still alive.
MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS AT JEDBURGH
Her departure on the 8 Oct. from Edinburgh had been planned and publicized by royal proclamation for some considerable time, and not the 10 Oct. as often stated; therefore, she did not leave the capital immediately to be with the wounded Bothwell as some of the popular folk-lore states, but as her predetermined schedule dictated.
First riding to Melrose, where having previously charged the nobles, gentlemen and freeholders of the adjacent shires by public notice, to meet her equipped with enough provisions for twenty days; from there she proceeded at the head of a host of a thousand horse to her Assizes at Jedburgh.
On arrival at Jedburgh, Buchanan states that Mary Queen of Scots left to see Bothwell straight away, although she heard that he was still alive. Most authors ignore this, and assume that he meant the next day. It is clear, Mary could not have left Jedburgh for Hermitage on the same day, as it is a full day's ride from Edinburgh via Melrose, and therefore, Buchanan it would seem is incorrect.
In fact the 'State Papers' show that on the following day, the 9 th. Oct. 1566, she opened her Assizes at Jedburgh, and on the 10 th. and 11 Oct. she held 'Privy Councils.' She did not leave for Hermitage until either the 16 th. or 17 th. Oct., the differing dates are due to the two English March wardens Sir John Forster and Lord Henry Scrope giving different dates when writing to the 'English Secretary of State.'
Therefore, there was no love stricken rush to see the wounded Lord Bothwell at Hermitage castle as Buchanan stated, but State business and the Assizes were conducted for a week before she left to see him, and she was then accompanied by her half brother and courtiers, none of whom make any comment about Mary Queen of Scots paying undue attention to Bothwell. Whether Mary was in love with Bothwell at that moment in time is simply speculation.
THE JOURNEY
The formal making of 'Turnpike roads' did not begin for nearly another hundred years, the only roads in existence were the ancient Roman roads, such as they were, farmers tracks leading into towns, Drovers roads and packhorse trails between market towns; the various 'Progresses' made by the Queen were achieved by the use of local guides at different stages of the journey, and where possible the route taken would have kept to high ground.
It is possible to surmise that whilst acting as 'bodyguard' to the Queen, the member(s) of our family that 'Don' mentions may have been the guide(s) used to escort and guide her from Jedburgh to Hermitage Castle. Although there is no evidence to support this hypothesis, they would have been staying with members of the family resident at Tudhope farm on the hillside above the town of Jedburgh, and also resident close to Hermitage making them prime candidates for the task. If this were so, then we have a contemporary description of members of our family. And we can repeat George Buchanan's description:
''… she betook herself headlong to her journey, with ane company such as na man of honest degree would have adventured his life and goods among them.''
It seems we were rather rough looking characters in October 1566!
The Queen's party certainly would not have found Hermitage without the use of such men, and as previously mentioned, although there is no written description of the route taken, the current estimated travelling time for one way is approximately five hours.
The stay is recorded as having taken two hours for the conclusion of official business. The return journey has no written account either, but does have some folk-lore associated with it, so it is possible to make an educated guess as to the return route taken, and this in turn would probably have been the same route that the party took on the journey out from Jedburgh.
Using folk-lore and the map we can follow their course, first on leaving Hermitage the Queen's party turned due west instead of east, this is contrary to what one would expect as Jedburgh lies north east of Hermitage castle.
From Hermitage Castle to Braidley Burn, and there journeying north through the burn, along what maybe the remains of the ancient Roman road discussed previously, onto the high moorland where we arrive at the area called 'The Queen's Mire,' and local folk-lore has this as the mire or bog into which Mary Queen of Scots was thrown when her horse stumbled on her return journey to Jedburgh.
The object, the Queen is said to have lost when she fell into the bog was either a gold ring, a silver spur, a silver box, or simply a silver object. Several centuries after this event, a shepherd found a small box containing an ornate French pocket watch of the correct period for Mary Queen of Scots at the Queen's mire. Both the small box and watch are on display in what is now called Queen Mary's House, Jedburgh. Hence, it is likely that the first part of the return journey was north along Braidley Burn, past the Queen's mire, over the high heathland and on towards the Border town of Hawick (pron. Hoy-ck).
It was whilst trying to reason the second part of the route that the Queen's party may have taken, that I came across the following footnote in Antonia Fraser's book 'Mary Queen of Scots':
''On the 16 Oct. 1966, the 400th anniversary of Queen Mary's ride, an equivalent ride was mounted from Jedburgh to Hermitage and back, following the route which she was believed to have taken: Bonchester Bridge (via the Queen's well), Earlside, Stob's Castle, Barnes Farm, Priesthaugh, the rough country between Priesthaugh and Hermitage known as the Queen's mire (where the enamelled watch was later found) and finally Hermitage Castle. The expedition mounted and left Jedburgh at 7 a.m. and arrived at Hermitage at 12, noon. The return journey began at 1p.m. and returned to Jedburgh at 7 p.m.''
The first part of the return journey past the Queen's mire had been obvious some years ago, but discarded as unlikely due to initially having to journey a couple of
miles to the west after leaving Hermitage, away from Jedburgh - but the route became an obvious one once the ancient Roman road was known about. Had Frazer's book been read first instead of being one of the last, much time would have been saved; each year my wife and I visit the pub next to the 'Queen's Well' at Bonchester bridge for a liquid lunch, but I failed to remember it when considering the journey, age I'm afraid.
THE QUEEN'S STAY IN JEDBURGH
Where she actually stayed whilst in Jedburgh still seems to be a subject of debate, and it is written in many articles and books that the Kerrs of Ferniehurst had the house built for Mary Queen of Scots' visit to Jedburgh, this is the standard version of the folk-lore, but several authors have pointed out that some of the architectural features that the house has, do not appear in the architectural records until after Mary's visit, and are associated with the end of that century. Also, there seems to be a record of the house being damaged earlier in the century by an English raid, and so it is possible that the house had lain in disrepair for some considerable time, and may have been repaired, or under repair at the time of her arrival.
As a result of the more modern architectural features, one author has suggested that the queen stayed at Ferniehurst, this is approximately one and half miles south of Jedburgh, and as castles go small, little more than a tower who's diameter is that of a very large room, and would be unlikely to cope with a Queen and her personal entourage. Had she stayed there we might expect to have extant records, or at least we could expect that there would be folk-lore suggesting the stay, and there does not appear to be either folk-lore or documentation suggesting it.
Eventually, an author was found who made a passing reference that Mary Queen of Scots lodged at the 'Spread Eagle Inn' in the high street, Jedburgh. Surprisingly this inn still exists in the High Street and claims to be the oldest Inn in Scotland, and an inquiry by phone was answered with the following reply:
''We have the folk-lore that Mary Queen of Scots stayed here, but there are no written records of the event. The Inn was in existence along with two others at the time of her visit, and if she chose to stay at an inn, it would have been the 'Spread Eagle' simply because it was the most luxurious of the three. The front of the building is still the same, although it is now in need of serious attention.'' A picture of this Inn can be found on the 'Internet.'
Also, several authors mentioned that when Darnley, the King, arrived on the 28 Oct. 1566, he was lodged at a house in the High Street, next to the 'Eagle' where Lord Home was staying. This may suggest that the Spread Eagle was already occupied by someone of a higher rank, namely Queen Mary, or simply that it was unavailable.
The author Alistair Moffat, suggests a resolution to the contention between 'Queen Mary's House' and the 'Spread Eagle,' and is the only author to write that – "during her illness, the Spread Eagle Inn caught fire and the Queen had to be hurriedly moved.'' If true, this would solve the problem of the two residences that folk-lore has her lodging at, and if as a result of the fire she was moved to what is now known as 'Queen Mary's House,' and therefore Darnley's visit would have had to have been after the fire.
However, the authors Elizabeth and Agnes Strickland in their 1855 publication note that:
''…Forty pounds were paid by Queen Mary to the Lady Fernyhirst, for the use of the house she had occupied during the thirty days she abode at Jedburgh...'' This information was taken from the 'Treasurer's Accounts, Royal Records.' With such a reference, it is puzzling why the debate of her stay at 'Queen Mary's House' is still on going.
This record then, confirms her stay at a Tower or Bastle in Jedburgh - the one probably known as 'Queen Mary's House,' but the actual stay at Jedburgh was one or possibly two days longer than the thirty quoted, depending upon when the days were counted from. This might suggest that the Queen initially lodged at the Spread Eagle, only for it to catch fire after the first or second day and then be hastily moved; or, alternatively simply that the folk-lore is incorrect and she never lodged at the Inn.
The author, Alistair Moffat comments that the Queen was hurriedly moved during her illness, as her illness took place only after ten days at Jedburgh, the amount paid to Lady Ferniehurst would not have been for thirty days, but for less than twenty. In Moffat's case, I suspect that he was using local folk-lore, but without checking the records, for a modern author who thinks of himself specifically as a Border historian, this is quite an error.
Prior to Mary Queen of Scots arrival, proclamations would have been posted to the effect that the people of Jedburgh would have to provide lodgings for the Queen's entourage; therefore, it seems reasonable that any Tudhopes in her bodyguard would have found lodgings with their relatives at Tudhope farm. Similarly, any members of the family that may have been in Earl Bothwell's troop would have lodged with the family at Carewoodrig Hope, just along the valley from Hermitage Castle.
Kitty Pedersen has put forward an interesting idea, that during the Queen's illness she may have been offered spring water from the 'Holy Well' at Tudhope. There is no indication of it being suggested or offered, the credit in most books goes to the skill of her French physician Charles Nau, none the less it is an interesting idea, and with careful reading someone may possibly come across a reference source.
The present state of confusion that exists, despite the many hundreds of books that have attempted to analyse the life of Mary, is due to two principal factors, the first is the deliberate falsehoods propagated by Buchanan in his writings about Queen Mary, which in turn has been used as a reference by numerous authors without checking any of the accusations that he made.
The second is the inaccessibility of the primary sources; one of the few, if not the only modern author to have meticulously accessed more primary records than any other author for possibly one and a half centuries, is John Guy, who has brought together primary sources from numerous archives in four countries to write his book on the life of Queen Mary.
The more detailed reading of the specific events of October has resulted in dispelling a number of fictitious views offered as history, particularly in the many articles that can be found on the internet, which have previously been accepted as fact, and what is surprising is how much the absurd nonsense written by Buchanan is still colouring modern writing.
I have always been dissatisfied with aspects of the story of the skirmish near Billhope, that a reiver with detailed local knowledge of the hills that John Elliot would have had, should accidentally have met Earl Bothwell whilst the Earl was out hunting seems foolish on Elliot's part, we now know that Bothwell was actively hunting Elliots and not deer, and having been given a reason to read a little deeper than the usual articles in magazines and on the Internet, my view of the events of October 1566 has completely changed, although it is still uncertain how close to the truth the new view is. It seems it is not possible to regard Mary Queen of Scots' Progress to Jedburgh as the romantic interlude that an astonishing number of books claim it to be, there is, at this point in her story no evidence to suggest this.
The events of October 1566 are of interest to us as a family due to our ancestors being involved, if only in a peripheral manner, but the events of this month are not covered in any detail by most authors. Its impact on the history of Scotland, such that it is, is due to the serious illness of Mary at Jedburgh and the physical and psychological effects it had on her, and how her weakened condition may have affected latter decisions that she and those around her made.
From this reading, some previously unconsidered aspects of the life and times of this period came to light, how the farms and dwellings of various surnames overlapped and were interwoven; the finding that the then head of the Elliot family, Martin Elliot, lived in a tower that is believed to have stood where Old Braidley is now, and within walking distance of Carewoodrig Hope, was quite a surprise.
Also, the speed and ease with which the riding families could be encouraged to turn on each other was another. The previous year 1565, the Elliots had been bribed wi
th a thousand English pounds to break loose, and in one skirmish ambushed the Scots and their supporters who numbered an estimated 400 horse (numbers vary) in the hills at 'Ewes Doors' just to the west of Linhope. Despite Walter Scott's bragging about the number of men he could put into the saddle, he was unable to subdue the Elliots lead by the head of the family Martin Elliot, and seems to have been forced eventually to come to terms with them.
—
Cowdenknowes mansion near Melrose
in 1556 it hosted its first historical celebrity, when a young Mary Queen of Scots stopped off on her way to court in Jedburgh.
Most of the grand manor house, which sits on the bank of the River Leader in a rural area near Melrose and Earlston, was built in 1574 by Sir James Home, who was Warden of the East Marches.
The visit is recorded in a set of documents which have survived the past 450 years intact.
* * *
Chapter Twenty-One
While attending to her civic duties in Jedburgh, news reached Mary that Bothwell had been seriously hurt during an encounter with the reivers and lay helpless at Hermitage. She decided to go to Hermitage there and then to attend to him.
Accompanied by her half brother Moray and a body of officials, she set off on the long and hazardous journey to Hermitage.
The route took the party over huge tracts of open moorland and bog. It was difficult terrain and the weather was foul.
More than once Mary's horse stumbled in the bog and only with difficulty found firm ground. On one occasion she lost her watch and other possessions.
Mary was only able to stay briefly as the party had to return to Jedburgh that same day.
Of the three possible routes to Hermitage, Mary selected the longest to avoid the pass of Note o' Gate and the high, bleak track by Wimburgh.
A Love Beyond: A Scottish Historical Romance (The Reivers Book 2) Page 8