67. Bundy cited in a report, n.d. but ca. 1969, on Ford grants to Yale and Howard to establish Afro-American studies programs; PA69–518, reel 2004, 20; FF archives.
68. Letter, Norman W. MacLeod (assistant to Ford’s treasurer) to Franklin H. Williams, 29 April 1970; in PA70–001, reel 4020.
69. Inter-Office Memorandum, Craig Howard to William D. Carmichael, “Middle East and Africa Fellowship Program for Black Americans,” 7 September 1979, 2; PA669–0617, Reports, reel 3735.
70. Minutes of the African Heritage Association Executive Committee, n.d. but 1970; and AHSA—Report of the Program Committee, May 1970; both in PA70–001, reel 4020; FF archives.
71. Report on Ford grants to Yale and Howard to establish Afro-American studies programs; PA69–518, reel 2004.
72. Inter-Office Memorandum, Craig Howard to William D. Carmichael, “Middle East and Africa Fellowship Program for Black Americans,” 7 September 1979; PA669–0617, Reports, reel 3735. The program disbursed $987,648 over ten years.
73. Attachment to Request No. ID-1242, n.d. but ca. 1975; in PA69–617, reel 3735; FF archives.
74. Inter-Office Memorandum, Craig Howard, 4.
75. Ibid., 4.
76. Ibid., 7–8.
77. Ibid., 12.
78. Ibid., 10.
79. Immanuel Wallerstein, “The Evolving Role of the Africa Scholar in African Studies,” African Studies Review 26, no. 3/4 (September–December 1983): 157. For an excellent analysis of CIA programs in Africa (particularly chapter 9), see Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008).
80. A. Olukoshi, “African Scholars and African Studies,” Development in Practice 16, no. 6 (November 2006): 534–535.
81. Ibid., 541.
82. Wallerstein, “The Evolving Role of the Africa Scholar in African Studies,” 159.
83. Murphy, Creative Philanthropy, 68.
84. Until 1962, Ibadan was a satellite college of London University and subject to its control in terms of curriculum development, admissions and assessment standards; Mazrui, “The African University as a Multinational Corporation,” 195.
85. Eric Ashby, quoted in Murphy, Creative Philanthropy, 78.
86. Murphy, Creative Philanthropy, 80–81. Carnegie also funded the formation of the Nigerian Committee of Vice-Chancellors with an award of $102,000 (80).
87. Coleman confirms the conservative nationalism of Oxbridge-educated Nigerians; Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, 247.
88. Aboyade, Development Burden and Benefits, 302.
89. Ibid., 305.
90. R. A. Adeleye, “The Independent University, 1962–68,” in J. F. Ade Ajayi and Tekena N. Tamuno, eds., The University of Ibadan, 1948–73 (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1973), 73.
91. Ibid., 77.
92. J. F. Ade Ajayi, “Postgraduate Studies and Staff Development,” in J. F. Ade Ajayi and Tekena N. Tamuno, eds., The University of Ibadan, 1948–73 (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1973), 161.
93. Olatunji Oloruntimehin, “The University in the Era of the Civil War and Reconstruction,” in J. F. Ade Ajayi and Tekena N. Tamuno, eds., The University of Ibadan, 1948–73 (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1973), 100.
94. Cranford Pratt, John E. Swanson, and Rose E. Bigelow, An Evaluation of the General Development Grant and the Staff Development Grants of the Ford Foundation to the University of Ibadan, 1958–1972; September 1973; 2; Reports, 002325; FFA.
95. Ibid., 14, 30.
96. Request for Grant Action (OD-1985), “Development of a Program in Behavioural Sciences”; 13 July 1967; reel 1391, PA67–481; FFA.
97. C. G. M. Bakare, Behavioural Sciences Research Programme, University of Ibadan: Ford Foundation Grant (670–0481), Terminal Report, May 1972; 9; reel 1391, PA67–481; FFA; $221,000 was granted to the unit.
98. Letter, Alexander Leighton (Harvard) to Mr. Heaps (Ford), 16 January 1966; reel 1391, PA67–481; FFA.
99. T. Adeyo Lambo, “Proposal Presented to the Ford Foundation for a Behavioural Science Research Programme Within the Department of Psychiatry, University of Ibadan,” August 1966; reel 1391, PA67–481. Emphasis in the original.
100. Arnold Rivkin, “Nigeria: A Unique Nation,” Current History 45, no. 268 (December 1963): 329–334. The African center at MIT that Rivkin headed, funded by Carnegie, was clearly wedded to developing a market economy and the elimination of subsistence and exchange economies, which were seen as a “drag on the rate of economic growth.” See “Proposal for a Project on Economic Development and Political Change in Africa South of the Sahara,” 6, CENIS at MIT, July 1958; in box 672, folder 6, MIT Sub-Sahara Africa, Research on Center for International Studies (1958–1967); CC archives.
101. Rivkin, “Nigeria: A Unique Nation,” 329.
102. Arnold Rivkin, “Nigeria’s National Development Plan,” Current History 43, no. 256 (December 1962): 321.
103. Hakeem I. Tijani, Britain, Leftist Nationalists, and the Transfer of Power in Nigeria, 1945–1965 (New York: Routledge, 2006), 7, esp. 51–66. See also, O. Awolowo, “Nigerian Nations and Federal Union,” in R. Emerson and M. Kilson, eds., The Political Awakening of Africa (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1965), 61–65. Awolowo argues that Nigeria must be a federation given its fundamental ethnic and regional divisions, some of which, especially in the Northern Region, had been fostered by deliberate British policies (64). In the same volume, consider the pro-British attitudes of Chief S. L. Akintola and Tafawa Balewa, the latter becoming prime minister of independent Nigeria in 1960. Akintola thanked Britain’s “benevolent imperialism” for creating Nigeria and for her parliamentary democracy, liberal education, and law and order; Akintola and Balewa, “Nigeria Debates Self-Government,” in R. Emerson and M. Kilson, eds., The Political Awakening of Africa (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1965), 67. As a result, Akintola argued that Nigeria would never sever ties with Britain but cooperate on the basis of “mutual trust, reciprocal goodwill, and mutual understanding” (68). The more radical W. E. B. Du Bois noted that such Nigerians had been, “through bribery and deception… so manipulated by the British Empire as to regard the British mainly as benefactors”; W. E. B. Du Bois, The World and Africa (New York: International Publishers, 1969), 327.
104. H. H. Smythe and M. M. Smythe, The New Nigerian Elite (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1960).
105. Tijani, Britain, Leftist Nationalists, and the Transfer of Power in Nigeria.
106. Rivkin, “Nigeria’s National Development Plan,” 326.
107. Wolfgang F. Stolper, Planning Without Facts: Lessons in Resource Allocation from Nigeria’s Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966), xx.
108. Ibid., 3.
109. To Stolper, Nigeria is “primitive” (ibid., 18), unsophisticated (6), and lacking in “aesthetic or artistic values” (108).
110. Ojetunji Aboyade, Development Burdens and Benefits: Reflections on the Development Process in Nigeria (Ibadan: Development Policy Centre, 2003), 15.
111. Ojetunji Aboyade, Foundations of an African Economy (New York: Praeger, 1966), 154. Aboyade was a member of the economics department of the University of Ibadan and succeeded Stolper as head of the Federal Economic Planning Unit, 1962–1963. In 1963–1964, he was a research fellow at the University of Michigan’s Center on Economic Development, of which Stolper was director, funded by a Rockefeller Foundation travel grant. Aboyade was a sympathetic critic.
112. Ibid., 155–156, 154.
113. Stolper, Planning Without Facts, 5.
114. Clive S. Gray, ed., Inside Independent Nigeria: Diaries of Wolfgang Stolper, 1960–1962 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), 19, 70.
115. Ibid., 72.
116. Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism.
117. Aboyade, Foundations of an African Economy, 75.
118. Ibid., 157.
119. Ibid., 160. For a radical critique, see Chinweizu, The West and the Rest of Us (Lagos: Pero Pres
s, 1987), esp. 136–144.
120. Du Bois, The World and Africa, 331.
121. Gray, Inside Independent Nigeria, 225.
122. E. Wayne Nafziger, “The Political Economy of Disintegration in Nigeria,” Journal of Modern African Studies 11, no. 4 (1973): 505–536.
123. Tijani, Britain, Leftist Nationalists, and the Transfer of Power in Nigeria, 75, citing a U.S. report entitled “The Political, Economic and Social Survey of Nigeria” (1951). Under Point 4 programs, Nigerian Foreign Service Officers were trained in “diplomacy, ethics, and the essence of western values” at the Department of State and the British embassy in Washington, D.C.; they also received lectures on “Issues in International Relations,” at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (77, 90).
124. “Testimony of Arnold Rivkin Before the Committee on Foreign Affairs House of Representatives Eighty-Seventh Congress Firs Session on H.R. 7372 The International Development and Security Act, June 26 1961”; box 672, folder 5, MIT Sub-Sahara, Research on (CENIS 1958–1967); CC archives.
125. Stolper, Planning Without Facts, 269.
126. Nafziger, “The Political Economy of Disintegration in Nigeria,” 516–518.
127. Richard Sklar, “Contradictions in the Nigerian Political System,” Journal of Modern African Studies 3, no.2 (August 1965): 204.
128. Reginald H. Green, “Four African Development Plans: Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, and Tanzania,” Journal of Modern African Studies 3, no. 2 (August 1965): 260.
129. Ibid., 259. Emphasis in the original.
130. Ibid., 275–276.
131. Without formally evaluating the impact of Stolper’s plan, Ford funded from 1968 the training of Nigerian economic planners to draft the Second Development Plan. They failed to discuss procedures for recruiting Nigerian civil servants to economics fellowship positions in the United States—mainly Harvard and Williams College—and received criticism from the authorities; Curt C. F. Wolters, Project Specialist in Social Sciences, “Evaluation: Fellowship Program to Train Nigerian Economic Planners,” 9; 4 April 1973; reel 1398; PA68–0799. $120,000 was granted to the program that trained twelve economists.
132. Coleman cites a British colonial education policy document which stated in 1925 that the role of education in Nigeria was to “strengthen the feeling of responsibility to the tribal community”; Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, 117.
7. THE MAJOR FOUNDATIONS, LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES, AND CHILE IN THE COLD WAR
1. The source for the chapter’s first epigraph is Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine (London: Penguin Books, 2008), 70. The CIA dubbed Pinochet’s coup “Operation Jakarta”; see Greg Grandin, “Plumping for Pinochet,” The Nation (January 21, 2002), http://www.thenation.com/doc/2002012/grandin/print. The source for the chapter’s second epigraph is OLAC [Office of Latin American and the Caribbean] Social Science Conference, “The Interplay Between the Foundation and the Grantee,” December 7, 1973, 6; Report 010152; FF archives.
2. OECD, “Chile Should Create More and Better Jobs to Cut Poverty and Inequality,” June 2009, http://www.oecd.org/document/49/0,3343,en_33873108_39418658_42514801_1_1_1_1,00.html. Chile is one of the most unequal societies in Latin America: between 1980 and 1989, the share of wealth owned by the wealthiest 10 percent of the population increased its share from 36.5 percent to 46.8 percent.
3. Patricio Silva, “Technocrats and Politics in Chile: From the Chicago Boys to the CIEPLAN Monks,” Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 2 (May 1991): 385.
4. Ibid.
5. William J. Barber, “Chile con Chicago: A Review Essay,” Journal of Economic Literature 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 1942.
6. As J. Ramos argues, “We no longer talk about whether a centrally-planned or market economy is better, but rather what the best combination of the two in a mixed economy would be.” Cited in Veronica Montecinos, “Economic Policy Elites and Democratization,” Studies in Comparative International Development 28, no. 1 (Spring 1993): 46n86.
7. Eduardo Silva, “The Political Economy of Chile’s Regime Transition: From Radical to ‘Pragmatic’ Neo-Liberal Policies,” in Paul W. Drake and Ivan Jaksic, eds., The Struggle for Democracy in Chile, 2nd ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995), 98–127.
8. Fred Rosen, ed., Empire and Dissent: The United States and Latin America (London: Duke University Press, 2008), 38.
9. Fredrick B. Pike, Chile and the United States, 1880–1962 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1963).
10. According to one source, U.S. military forces have intervened in the region on at least ninety occasions since America’s declaration of independence; NACLA, Subliminal Warfare: The Role of Latin American Studies (New York: NACLA, 1970), 1.
11. Earl T. Glauert and Lester D. Langley, eds., The United States and Latin America (London: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1971).
12. Ball, in ibid., 153.
13. Pike, Chile and the United States, 1880–1962, 303.
14. Ibid., 296.
15. Marvin O. Bernstein, Foreign Investment in Latin America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), 7.
16. “U.S. Private Investment in Latin America 1880–1961,” in Yanqui Dollar: The Contribution of U.S. Private Investment to Underdevelopment in Latin America (New York: NACLA [North American Congress on Latin America], 1971), 8.
17. Ibid., 12.
18. U.S. Department of the Interior (Bureau of Mines), Minerals Yearbook 1969 (Washington, D.C., 1971).
19. U.S. Department of Commerce, Survey of Current Business, October 1970 (Washington, D.C.).
20. J. Petras and M. Morley, The United States and Chile (London: Monthly Review Press, 1975), 8–10.
21. Peter Kornbluh, Chile and the United States: Declassified Documents Relating to the Military Coup, September 11, 1973, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB8/nsaebb8i.htm. The quote is taken from handwritten notes from a meeting between CIA Director Richard Helms and President Richard Nixon.
22. Petras and Morley, The United States and Chile, 11.
23. Helen Delpar, Looking South: The Evolution of Latin Americanist Scholarship in the United States, 1850–1975 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2008), 26.
24. Mark T. Berger, Under Northern Eyes: Latin American Studies and U.S. Hegemony in the Americas, 1898–1990 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 2.
25. Delpar, Looking South, ix.
26. Berger, Under Northern Eyes, 173.
27. Delpar, Looking South, ix.
28. Ibid., xi. Between 1945 and 1959, there was a definite lull in federal and foundation interest in Latin America; the Cuban revolution revived that interest.
29. Ibid., 156.
30. Ibid., 160–161.
31. Ibid., 162.
32. Reynold E. Carlson, “The Development of the Social Sciences in Latin America,” The Ford Foundation, New York, November 1965; Report 000100; FF archives.
33. Ibid., 3–4.
34. Ibid., 12.
35. Carlson, 13.
36. Ibid., 19.
37. Delpar, Looking South, 166–168; C. Wright Mills, Listen, Yankee (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1960); W. A. Williams, The United States, Cuba, and Castro (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1962).
38. According to Ford’s annual reports, neither NACLA nor the URLA received any funding between 1966 and 1976. Conversely, LASA received $392,000 during that period.
39. Juan Gabriel Valdes, Pinochet’s Economists: The Chicago School in Chile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Valdes acknowledges the generosity of Rockefeller’s hospitality at their villa at Bellagio, Italy, when writing up his book. Jeffrey Puryear also notes that the Institute of Latin American Transnational Studies, where Valdes worked while in exile during the Pinochet years, was partly funded by the Ford Foundation; Jeffrey Puryear, Thinking Politics: Intellectuals and Democracy in Chile, 1973–1988 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), 45n25.
40. Clearly, depend
ency theory is broad and encompasses Marxist and non-Marxist variants. In this chapter, the version of dependency theory referred to is the original ECLA version outlined in the text above; for a very good review, see Heraldo Munoz, ed., From Dependency to Development (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1981).
41. John Strasma, “A Note on Chilean Economics in 1960,” in PA61–372A, reel 3126; FFA.
42. Peter D. Bell, Inter-Office Memorandum, “Santiago Office Report on Fiscal Year 1970,” to Harry E. Wilhelm, 4 November 1970; 5; Report 012288; FF archives.
43. Ibid., 4–5.
44. “Chile 1964: CIA Covert Support in Frei Election Detailed; Operational and Policy Records Released for First Time,” National Security Archive news release, September 27, 2004, http://www.gwu/~nsarchiv/news/20040925/index.htm. It is noted that the national security adviser at the time, McGeorge Bundy, was aware and supportive of CIA financial backing, to the tune of $2.6 million, of the Frei presidential campaign and of an additional $3 million for negative campaigns against Salvador Allende. Bundy commended the CIA on its work during the Frei campaign.
45. Bell, Inter-Office Memorandum, 20.
46. Ibid., 6.
47. University of Chile–University of California Cooperative Program Comprehensive Report 1965–1978, July 1979; PA76–115, reel 3086; FFA.
48. Bell, Inter-Office Memorandum, 6.
49. Carl B. Spaeth and John Howard, Spaeth/Howard Report on Latin American Studies, June 1964; report 001556; 7; FFA.
50. Bell, Inter-Office Memorandum, 4.
51. Rorden Wilkinson, The WTO (London: Routledge, 2006); Douglas A. Irwin, “GATT Turns 60,” April 9, 2007, http://www.freetrade.org/node/608.
52. Bell, Inter-Office Memorandum, 7.
53. OLAC [Office of Latin American and the Caribbean] Social Science Conference, “The Utilization of Social Science,” 6 December 1973, 23; Report 010152; FF archives.
54. Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1982), vi.
55. Economists at the University of Chile were not interested in an exclusive arrangement with just one U.S. university, especially one associated so strongly with a free-market tradition; Valdes, Pinochet’s Economists, esp. chap. 4.
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