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by Lord Byron

When, bared to meet the headsman’s stroke,

  He claimed to die with eyes unbound,

  His sole adieu to those around.

  XVIII.

  Still as the lips that closed in death,

  Each gazer’s bosom held his breath:

  But yet, afar, from man to man,

  A cold electric shiver ran, 480

  As down the deadly blow descended

  On him whose life and love thus ended;

  And, with a hushing sound compressed,

  A sigh shrunk back on every breast;

  But no more thrilling noise rose there,

  Beyond the blow that to the block

  Pierced through with forced and sullen shock,

  Save one: — what cleaves the silent air

  So madly shrill, so passing wild?

  That, as a mother’s o’er her child, 490

  Done to death by sudden blow,

  To the sky these accents go,

  Like a soul’s in endless woe.

  Through Azo’s palace-lattice driven,

  That horrid voice ascends to heaven,

  And every eye is turned thereon;

  But sound and sight alike are gone!

  It was a woman’s shriek — and ne’er

  In madlier accents rose despair;

  And those who heard it, as it past, 500

  In mercy wished it were the last.

  XIX.

  Hugo is fallen; and, from that hour,

  No more in palace, hall, or bower,

  Was Parisina heard or seen:

  Her name — as if she ne’er had been —

  Was banished from each lip and ear,

  Like words of wantonness or fear;

  And from Prince Azo’s voice, by none

  Was mention heard of wife or son;

  No tomb — no memory had they; 510

  Theirs was unconsecrated clay —

  At least the Knight’s who died that day.

  But Parisina’s fate lies hid

  Like dust beneath the coffin lid:

  Whether in convent she abode,

  And won to heaven her dreary road,

  By blighted and remorseful years

  Of scourge, and fast, and sleepless tears;

  Or if she fell by bowl or steel,

  For that dark love she dared to feel: 520

  Or if, upon the moment smote,

  She died by tortures less remote,

  Like him she saw upon the block

  With heart that shared the headsman’s shock,

  In quickened brokenness that came,

  In pity o’er her shattered frame,

  None knew — and none can ever know:

  But whatsoe’er its end below,

  Her life began and closed in woe!

  XX.

  And Azo found another bride, 530

  And goodly sons grew by his side;

  But none so lovely and so brave

  As him who withered in the grave;

  Or if they were — on his cold eye

  Their growth but glanced unheeded by,

  Or noticed with a smothered sigh.

  But never tear his cheek descended,

  And never smile his brow unbended;

  And o’er that fair broad brow were wrought

  The intersected lines of thought; 540

  Those furrows which the burning share

  Of Sorrow ploughs untimely there;

  Scars of the lacerating mind

  Which the Soul’s war doth leave behind.

  He was past all mirth or woe:

  Nothing more remained below

  But sleepless nights and heavy days,

  A mind all dead to scorn or praise,

  A heart which shunned itself — and yet

  That would not yield, nor could forget, 550

  Which, when it least appeared to melt,

  Intensely thought — intensely felt:

  The deepest ice which ever froze

  Can only o’er the surface close;

  The living stream lies quick below,

  And flows, and cannot cease to flow.

  Still was his sealed-up bosom haunted

  By thoughts which Nature hath implanted;

  Too deeply rooted thence to vanish,

  Howe’er our stifled tears we banish; 560

  When struggling as they rise to start,

  We check those waters of the heart,

  They are not dried — those tears unshed

  But flow back to the fountain head,

  And resting in their spring more pure,

  For ever in its depth endure,

  Unseen — unwept — but uncongealed,

  And cherished most where least revealed.

  With inward starts of feeling left,

  To throb o’er those of life bereft, 570

  Without the power to fill again

  The desert gap which made his pain;

  Without the hope to meet them where

  United souls shall gladness share;

  With all the consciousness that he

  Had only passed a just decree;

  That they had wrought their doom of ill;

  Yet Azo’s age was wretched still.

  The tainted branches of the tree,

  If lopped with care, a strength may give, 580

  By which the rest shall bloom and live

  All greenly fresh and wildly free:

  But if the lightning, in its wrath,

  The waving boughs with fury scathe,

  The massy trunk the ruin feels,

  And never more a leaf reveals.

  THE PRISONER OF CHILLON

  INTRODUCTION

  The Prisoner of Chillon, says Moore (Life, p. 320), was written at Ouchy, near Lausanne, where Byron and Shelley “were detained two days in a small inn [Hôtel de l’Ancre, now d’Angleterre] by the weather.” Byron’s letter to Murray, dated June 27 (but? 28), 1816, does not precisely tally with Shelley’s journal contained in a letter to Peacock, July 12, 1816 (Prose Works of P. B. Shelley, 1880, ii. 171, sq.); but, if Shelley’s first date, June 23, is correct, it follows that the two poets visited the Castle of Chillon on Wednesday, June 26, reached Ouchy on Thursday, June 27, and began their homeward voyage on Saturday, June 29 (Shelley misdates it June 30). On this reckoning the Prisoner of Chillon was begun and finished between Thursday, June 27, and Saturday, June 29, 1816. Whenever or wherever begun, it was completed by July 10 (see Memoir of John Murray, 1891, i. 364), and was ready for transmission to England by July 25. The MS., in Claire’s handwriting, was placed in Murray’s hands on October 11, and the poem, with seven others, was published December 5, 1816.

  In a final note to the Prisoner of Chillon (First Edition, 1816, p. 59), Byron confesses that when “the foregoing poem was composed he knew too little of the history of Bonnivard to do justice to his courage and virtues,” and appends as a note to the “Sonnet on Chillon,” “some account of his life … furnished by the kindness of a citizen of that Republic,” i.e. Geneva. The note, which is now entitled “Advertisement,” is taken bodily from the pages of a work published in 1786 by the Swiss naturalist, Jean Senebier, who died in 1809. It was not Byron’s way to invent imaginary authorities, but rather to give his references with some pride and particularity, and it is possible that this unacknowledged and hitherto unverified “account” was supplied by some literary acquaintance, who failed to explain that his information was common property. Be that as it may, Senebier’s prose is in some respects as unhistorical as Byron’s verse, and stands in need of some corrections and additions.

  François Bonivard (there is no contemporary authority for “Bonnivard”) was born in 1493. In early youth (1510) he became by inheritance Prior of St. Victor, a monastery outside the walls of Geneva, and on reaching manhood (1514) he accepted the office and the benefice, “la dignité ecclésiastique de Prieur e
t de la Seigneurie temporelle de St. Victor.” A lover of independence, a child of the later Renaissance, in a word, a Genevese, he threw in his lot with a band of ardent reformers and patriots, who were conspiring to shake off the yoke of Duke Charles III. of Savoy, and convert the city into a republic. Here is his own testimony: “Dès que j’eus commencé de lire l’histoire des nations, je me sentis entrainé par un goût prononcé pour les Républiques dont j’épousai toujours les intérêts.” Hence, in a great measure, the unrelenting enmity of the duke, who not only ousted him from his priory, but caused him to be shut up for two years at Grolée, Gex, and Belley, and again, after he had been liberated on a second occasion, ordered him, a safe conduct notwithstanding, to be seized and confined in the Castle of Chillon. Here he remained from 1530 to February 1, 1536, when he was released by the Bernese.

  For the first two years he was lodged in a room near the governor’s quarters, and was fairly comfortable; but a day came when the duke paid a visit to Chillon; and “then,” he writes, “the captain thrust me into a cell lower than the lake, where I lived four years. I know not whether he did it by the duke’s orders or of his own accord; but sure it is that I had so much leisure for walking, that I wore in the rock which was the pavement a track or little path, as it had been made with a hammer” (Chroniques des Ligues de Stumpf, addition de Bonivard).

  After he had been liberated, “par la grace de Dieu donnee a Messrs de Berne,” he returned to Geneva, and was made a member of the Council of the State, and awarded a house and a pension of two hundred crowns a year. A long life was before him, which he proceeded to spend in characteristic fashion, finely and honourably as scholar, author, and reformer, but with little self-regard or self-respect as a private citizen. He was married no less than four times, and not one of these alliances was altogether satisfactory or creditable. Determined “to warm both hands before the fire of life,” he was prone to ignore the prejudices and even the decencies of his fellow-citizens, now incurring their displeasure, and now again, as one who had greatly testified for truth and freedom, being taken back into favour and forgiven. There was a deal of human nature in Bonivard, with the result that, at times, conduct fell short of pretension and principle. Estimates of his character differ widely. From the standpoint of Catholic orthodoxy, “C’était un fort mauvais sujet et un plus mauvais prêtre;” and even his captivity, infamous as it was, “ne peut rendre Bonivard intéressant” (Notices Généalogiques sur les Famillies Genevoises, par J. A. Galiffe, 1836, iii. 67, sq.); whilst an advocate and champion, the author of the Preface to Les Chroniques de Genève par François de Bonnivard, 1831, tom. i. pt. i. p. xli., avows that “aucun homme n’a fait preuve d’un plus beau caractère, d’un plus parfait désintéressement que l’illustre Prieur de St. Victor.” Like other great men, he may have been guilty of “quelques égaremens du coeur, quelques concessions passagères aux dévices des sens,” but “Peu importe à la postérité les irrégularités de leur vie privée” (p. xlviii.).

  But whatever may be the final verdict with regard to the morals, there can be no question as to the intellectual powers of the “Prisoner of Chillon.” The publication of various MS. tracts, e.g. Advis et Devis de l’ancienne et nouvelle Police de Genève, 1865; Advis et Devis des Lengnes, etc., 1865, which were edited by the late J. J. Chaponnière, and, after his death, by M. Gustave Revilliod, has placed his reputation as historian, satirist, philosopher, beyond doubt or cavil. One quotation must suffice. He is contrasting the Protestants with the Catholics (Advis et Devis de la Source de Lidolatrie, Geneva, 1856, p. 159): “Et nous disons que les prebstres rongent les mortz et est vray; mais nous faisons bien pys, car nous rongeons les vifz. Quel profit revient aux paveures du dommage des prebstres? Nous nous ventons touttes les deux parties de prescher Christ cruciffie et disons vray, car nous le laissons cruciffie et nud en l’arbre de la croix, et jouons a beaux dez au pied dicelle croix, pour scavoir qui haura sa robe.”

  For Bonivard’s account of his second imprisonment, see Les Chroniques de Genève, tom. ii. part ii. pp. 571-577; see, too, Notice sur François Bonivard, ...par Le Docteur J. J. Chaponnière, Mémoires et Documents Publiés, par La Société d’Histoire, etc., de Genève, 1845, iv. 137-245; Chillon Etude Historique, par L. Vulliemin, Lausanne, 1851; Revue des Deux Mondes, Seconde Période, vol. 82, Août, 1869, pp. 682-709; “True Story of the Prisoner of Chillon,” Nineteenth Century, May, 1900, No. 279, pp. 821-829, by A. van Amstel (Johannes Christiaan Neuman).

  The Prisoner of Chillon was reviewed (together with the Third Canto of Childe Harold) by Sir Walter Scott (Quarterly Review, No. xxxi., October, 1816), and by Jeffrey (Edinburgh Review, No. liv., December, 1816).

  With the exception of the Eclectic (March, 1817, N.S., vol. vii. pp. 298-304), the lesser reviews were unfavourable. For instance, the Critical Review (December, 1816, Series V. vol. iv. pp. 567-581) detected the direct but unacknowledged influence of Wordsworth on thought and style; and the Portfolio (No. vi. pp. 121-128), in an elaborate skit, entitled “Literary Frauds,” assumed, and affected to prove, that the entire poem was a forgery, and belonged to the same category as The Right Honourable Lord Byron’s Pilgrimage to the Holy Land, etc.

  For extracts from these and other reviews, see Kölbing, Prisoner of Chillon, and Other Poems, Weimar, 1896, excursus i. pp. 3-55.

  SONNET ON CHILLON

  Eternal Spirit of the chainless Mind!

  Brightest in dungeons, Liberty! thou art:

  For there thy habitation is the heart —

  The heart which love of thee alone can bind;

  And when thy sons to fetters are consigned —

  To fetters, and the damp vault’s dayless gloom,

  Their country conquers with their martyrdom,

  And Freedom’s fame finds wings on every wind.

  Chillon! thy prison is a holy place,

  And thy sad floor an altar — for ‘twas trod,

  Until his very steps have left a trace

  Worn, as if thy cold pavement were a sod,

  By Bonnivard! — May none those marks efface!

  For they appeal from tyranny to God.

  ADVERTISEMENT

  When this poem was composed, I was not sufficiently aware of the history of Bonnivard, or I should have endeavoured to dignify the subject by an attempt to celebrate his courage and his virtues. With some account of his life I have been furnished, by the kindness of a citizen of that republic, which is still proud of the memory of a man worthy of the best age of ancient freedom: —

  “François De Bonnivard, fils de Louis De Bonnivard, originaire de Seyssel et Seigneur de Lunes, naquit en 1496. Il fit ses études à Turin: en 1510 Jean Aimé de Bonnivard, son oncle, lui résigna le Prieuré de St. Victor, qui aboutissoit aux murs de Genève, et qui formait un bénéfice considérable….

  “Ce grand homme — (Bonnivard mérite ce litre par la force de son âme, la droiture de son coeur, la noblesse de ses intentions, la sagesse de ses conseils, le courage de ses démarches, l’étendue de ses connaissances, et la vivacité de son esprit), — ce grand homme, qui excitera l’admiration de tous ceux qu’une vertu héroïque peut encore émouvoir, inspirera encore la plus vive reconnaissance dans les coeurs des Genevois qui aiment Genève. Bonnivard en fut toujours un des plus fermes appuis: pour assurer la liberté de notre République, il ne craignit pas de perdre souvent la sienne; il oublia son repos; il méprisa ses richesses; il ne négligea rien pour affermir le bonheur d’une patrie qu’il honora de son choix: dès ce moment il la chérit comme le plus zélé de ses citoyens; il la servit avec l’intrépidité d’un héros, et il écrivit son Histoire avec la naïveté d’un philosophe et la chaleur d’un patriote.

  “Il dit dans le commencement de son Histoire de Genève, que, dès qu’il eut commencé de lire l’histoire des nations, il se sentit entraîné par son goût pour les Républiques, dont il épousa toujours les intérêts: c’est ce goût pour la liberté qui lui fit sans doute adopter Genève pour sa pa
trie….

  “Bonnivard, encore jeune, s’annonça hautement comme le défenseur de Genève contre le Duc de Savoye et l’Evêque….

  “En 1519, Bonnivard devient le martyr de sa patrie: Le Duc de Savoye étant entré dans Genève avec cinq cent hommes, Bonnivard craint le ressentiment du Duc; il voulut se retirer à Fribourg pour en éviter les suites; mais il fut trahi par deux hommes qui l’accompagnaient, et conduit par ordre du Prince à Grolée, où il resta prisonnier pendant deux ans. Bonnivard était malheureux dans ses voyages: comme ses malheurs n’avaient point ralenti son zèle pour Genève, il était toujours un ennemi redoutable pour ceux qui la menaçaient, et par conséquent il devait être exposé à leurs coups. Il fut rencontré en 1530 sur le Jura par des voleurs, qui le dépouillèrent, et qui le mirent encore entre les mains du Duc de Savoye: ce Prince le fit enfermer dans le Château de Chillon, où il resta sans être interrogé jusques en 1536; il fut alors delivré par les Bernois, qui s’emparèrent du Pays-de-Vaud.

  “Bonnivard, en sortant de sa captivité, eut le plaisir de trouver Genève libre et réformée: la République s’empressa de lui témoigner sa reconnaissance, et de le dédommager des maux qu’il avoit soufferts; elle le reçut Bourgeois de la ville au mois de Juin, 1536; elle lui donna la maison habitée autrefois par le Vicaire-Général, et elle lui assigna une pension de deux cent écus d’or tant qu’il séjournerait à Genève. Il fut admis dans le Conseil des Deux-Cent en 1537.

  “Bonnivard n’a pas fini d’être utile: après avoir travaillé à rendre Genève libre, il réussit à la rendre tolérante. Bonnivard engagea le Conseil à accorder [aux ecclésiastiques et aux paysans] un tems suffisant pour examiner les propositions qu’on leur faisait; il réussit par sa douceur: on prêche toujours le Christianisme avec succès quand on le prêche avec charité....

  “Bonnivard fut savant: ses manuscrits, qui sont dans la bibliothèque publique, prouvent qu’il avait bien lu les auteurs classiques Latins, et qu’il avait approfondi la théologie et l’histoire. Ce grand homme aimait les sciences, et il croyait qu’elles pouvaient faire la gloire de Genève; aussi il ne négligea rien pour les fixer dans cette ville naissante; en 1551 il donna sa bibliothèque au public; elle fut le commencement de notre bibliothèque publique; et ces livres sont en partie les rares et belles éditions du quinzième siècle qu’on voit dans notre collection. Enfin, pendant la même année, ce bon patriote institua la République son héritière, à condition qu’elle employerait ses biens à entretenir le collège dont on projettait la fondation.

 

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