by Mary Gabriel
For herself, after a lifetime of struggle, she said she wanted simply to be remembered by a line from Kant: “You cannot understand a man’s work by what he has accomplished but by what he has overcome in accomplishing it.”
VICTORIA DIED IN her sleep just before midnight on June 9, 1927, at the age of eighty-eight. A private service was held for her on June 13. There were only six mourners in attendance; her son and daughter were not among them. The Reverend W. H. B. Yerborough, Rector of Bredon, delivered a brief tribute, saying that Victoria had been one of the “twice born, the people of genius, not always understood or appreciated as they should be by the more dull once born. . .. She was in advance of her time, and accordingly suffered persecution.”
Victoria’s ashes were scattered midway between Britain and America in the North Atlantic, but in a dark corner behind the high altar at Tewkesbury Abbey near Bredon’s Norton, a single candle in a red votive cup still illuminates a tribute to her.
“I retain not one ill-will recollection,” she wrote shortly before her death. “I gave America my youth. It was sweet and gallant and fruitful—its memories are buoyant. . .. That excellencies pretended to misunderstand and undertook to impugn was their defect, not mine.”
COSMOPOLITICAL PARTY PLATFORM
Suffrage is a common right of citizenship. Women have the right of suffrage. Logically it cannot be escaped. Syllogistically it is self-evident, thus:—
First—All persons—men and women—are citizens.
Second—Citizens have the right to vote.
Third—Women have the right to vote.
Though the right to vote be now denied, it must eventually be accorded. Women can be neither Democrats nor Republicans. They must be something more than Democratic or Republican. They must be humanitarian. They must become a positive element in governmental affairs. They have thought little; they must be brought to think more. To suggest food for thought, a new party and a new platform is proposed for the consideration of women and men: the party, the Cosmopolitical—the platform a series of reforms, to wit:
A reform in representation, by which all Legislative Bodies and the Presidential Electoral College shall be so elected that minorities as well as majorities shall have direct representation.
A complete reform in Executive and departmental conduct, by which the President and the Secretaries of the United States, and the Governors and State Officers, shall be forced to recognize that they are the servants of the people, appointed to attend to the business of the people, and not for the purpose of perpetuating their official positions, or of securing the plunder of public trusts for the enrichment of their political adherents and supporters.
A reform in the tenure of office, by which the Presidency shall be limited to one term, with a retiring life pension, and a permanent seat in the Federal senate, where his Presidential experience may become serviceable to the nation, and on the dignity and life emolument of Presidential Senator he shall be placed above all other political position, and be excluded from all professional pursuits.
A radical reform in our Civil Service, by which the Government, in its executive capacity, shall at all times secure faithful and efficient officers, and the people trustworthy servants, whose appointment shall be entirely removed from, and be made independent of, the influence and control of the legislative branch of the Government, and who shall be removed for “cause” only, and who shall be held strictly to frequent public accounting to superiors for all their official transactions, which shall for ever dispose of the corrupt practices induced by the allurements of the motto of present political parties, that “to the victor belong the spoils,” which is a remnant of arbitrarily assumed authority, unworthy of a government emanating from the whole people.
A complete reform in our system of Internal improvements, which connect and bind together the several states in commercial unity, to the end that they shall be conducted so as to administer to the best interests of the whole people, for whose benefit they were first permitted, and are now protected; by which the General Government, in the use of its postal powers and in the exercise of its duties in regulating commerce between the States, shall secure the transportation of passengers, merchandize and the mails, from one extremity of the country to the opposite, and throughout its whole area, at the actual cost of maintaining such improvements, plus legitimate interest upon their original cost of construction, thus converting them into public benefits, instead of their remaining, as now, hereditary taxes upon the industries of the country.
A complete reform in commercial and navigation laws, by which American built or purchased ships and American seamen shall be practically protected by the admission of all that is required for construction of the first, or the use and maintenance of either, free in bond or on board.
A reform in the relations of the employer and employed, by which shall be secured the practice of the great natural law, of one-third of time to labour, onethird to recreation, and one-third to rest, that by this, intellectual improvement and physical development may go on to that perfection which the Almighty Creator designed.
A reform in the principles of protection and revenue, by which the largest home and foreign demand shall be created and sustained for products of American industry of every kind; by which this industry shall be freed from the ruinous effects consequent upon frequent changes in these systems; by which shall be secured that constant employment to working-men and working-women throughout the country which will maintain them upon an equality in all kinds and classes of industry; by which a continuous prosperity—which, if not so marked by rapid accumulation, shall possess the merit of permanency—will be secured to all, which in due time will reduce the cost of all products to a minimum value; by which the labouring poor shall be relieved of the onerous tax, now indirectly imposed upon them by Government; by which the burden of governmental support shall be placed where it properly belongs, and by which an unlimited national wealth will gradually accumulate, the ratio of taxation upon which will become so insignificant in amount as to be no burden to the people.
A reform by which the power of legislative bodies to levy taxes shall be limited to the actual necessities of the legitimate functions of government in its protection of the rights of persons, property and nationality; and by which they shall be deprived of the power to exempt any property from taxation; or to make any distinctions directly or indirectly among citizens in taxation for the support of government; or to give or loan the public property or credit to individuals or corporations to promote any enterprise whatever.
A reform in the system of criminal jurisprudence, by which the death penalty shall no longer be inflicted; and by which, during that term, a portion of the prison employment shall be for, and the product thereof be faithfully paid over to, the support of the criminal’s family; and by which our so-called prisons shall be virtually transformed into vast reformatory workshops, from which the unfortunate may emerge to be useful members of society, instead of the alienated citizens they now are.
The institution of such supervisatory control and surveillance over the now low orders of society as shall compel them to industry, and provide for the helpless, and thus banish those institutions of pauperism and beggary which are fastening upon the vitals of society, and are so prolific of crime and suffering in certain communities.
The organization of a general system of national education which shall positively secure to every child of the country such an education in the arts, sciences and general knowledge as will render them profitable and useful members of society, and the entire proceeds of the public domain should be religiously devoted to this end.
Such change in our general foreign policy as shall plainly indicate that we realize and appreciate the important position which has been assigned us as a nation by the common order of civilization; which shall indicate our supreme faith in that form of government which emanates from, and is supported by the whole people, and that such government must eventually be uni
form throughout the world; which shall also have in view the establishment of a Grand International Tribunal, to which all disputes of peoples and nations shall be referred for final arbitration and settlement, without appeal to arms; said Tribunal maintaining only such an International army and navy as would be necessary to enforce its decrees, and thus secure the return of the fifteen millions of men who now compose the standing armies of the world, to industrial and productive pursuits.
A reform by which the functions of Government shall be limited to the enactment of general laws; and be absolutely prohibited from enacting any special law upon any pretext whatever; by which all laws shall be repealed which are made use of by Government to interfere with the rights of adult individuals to pursue happiness as they may choose; or with the legitimate consequences of such pursuit; or with contacts between individuals, of whatever kind, or their consequences, which will place the intercourse of persons with each other upon their individual honor, with no appeal, and the intercourse of the general people upon the principles of common honesty; which will be a nearer approach to self-government and a wider departure from arbitrary control than has ever been exemplified. And finally, that all legislative action shall be approved by the people before becoming law.
Thus in the best sense do I claim to be the friend and exponent of the most complete equality to which humanity can attain; of the broadest individual freedom compatible with the public good, and that supreme justice which shall know no distinction among citizens upon any ground whatever, in the administration and the execution of the laws; and also, to be a faithful worker in the cause of human advancement; and especially to be the co-labourer with those who strive to better the condition of the poor and friendless; to secure to the great mass of working people the just reward of their toil. I claim from these, and from all others in the social scale, that support in the bold political course I have taken which shall give me the strength and the position to carry out these needed reforms, which shall secure to them, in return, the blessings which the Creator designed the human race should enjoy.
If I obtain this support, woman’s strength and woman’s will, with God’s support, if He vouchsafe it, shall open to them, and to this country, a new career of greatness in the race of nations, which can only be secured by that fearless course of truth from which the nations of the earth, under despotic male governments, have so far departed.
Victoria C. Woodhull.
New York, January 10th, 1871
NOTES
KEY TO NOTES
BPL
Boston Public Library Woodhull Collection
BM
British Museum, transcript of Martin v. British Museum
ECS
Elizabeth Cady Stanton
HBS
Harriet Beecher Stowe
HHS
Homer Historical Society Collection
HM
Holland-Martin Family Archives
IBH
Isabella Beecher Hooker
JBM
John Biddulph Martin
SBA
Susan B. Anthony
SIU
Southern Illinois University Woodhull Collection
VCW
Victoria Claflin Woodhull
WCW
Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly
PROLOGUE
Pages 1–4
1. “Petticoats Among . . .”: The Sun, Feb. 7, 1870, p. 1.
2. At the stock and gold . . .: The World, Feb. 8, 1870, p. 5.
3. From early morning . . .: The World, Feb. 8, 1870, p. 5.
4. “They know a thing . . .”: New York Herald, Feb. 6, 1870, p. 3.
5. Inside, shielded from . . .: The World, Feb. 8, 1870, p. 5.
6. It would be another century . . .: Gordon, p. 294.
7. A steady stream . . .: New York Herald, Feb. 6, 1870, p. 3.
8. For their opening day . . .: The World, Feb. 8, 1870, p. 5.
9. “The gold pens poised . . .”: New York Herald, Feb. 6, 1870, p. 3.
10. “The ladies received their . . .”: New York Herald, Feb. 6, 1870, p. 3.
11. “I tell you that men . . .”: WCW, Oct. 18, 1873, p. 12.
HOMER, 1850
Pages 5–10
1. On the south side . . .: HHS.
2. In later years . . .: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 4.
3. But in reality . . .: Iams, p. 1.
4. Sixth of ten children . . .: Wight, pp. 124–25.
5. One admiring neighbor . . .: Sachs, p. 2.
6. The Homer shopkeeper . . .: HHS, Grace Goulder article, Nov. 3, 1957.
7. A census report . . .: HHS.
8. Among his alleged . . .: Sachs, p. 1.
9. She was an abrasive . . .: Iams, p. 2; Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 5.
10. Anna’s memory . . .: SIU, Zula Maud Woodhull notes.
11. Known to beat his children . . .: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 4.
12. “When I first saw . . .”: Woodhull-Martin, Autobiography, p. 1.
13. At school . . .: Bob MacKay, “The Sirens of Homer,” Ohio Magazine, Aug. 1984, p. 53.
14. In Homer, residents . . .: Iams, p. 2.
15. Buck Claflin had purchased . . .: Iams, p. 1; Sachs, pp. 14–15.
16. The locals were not . . .: HHS; Cleveland Plain Dealer, Sept. 2, 1984, p. 1 C.
17. After the family had gone . . .: Iams, p. 2.
18. The Claflin clan . . .: Wight, pp. 124–25.
19. Named after the home state . . .: BPL, VCW autobiographical notes.
20. The remaining crew . . .: HHS; Sachs, p. 21.
21. In 1848, a pair . . .: Ross, Charmers and Cranks, pp. 89–92; Braude, pp. 10–17.
22. The Fox sisters phenomenon . . .: Owen, pp. 24–25.
23. Spiritual telegraphy: Sears, p. 14; Moore, p. 29.
24. Person could communicate . . .: Sears, p. 15.
25. Briefly suspected of setting . . .: Sachs, pp. 10, 16.
26. Hung out a shingle . . .: Sachs, p. 17.
27. “Girl your worth . . .”: SIU.
28. “Be a good listener child”: BPL, Zula Maud Woodhull notes.
29. “Victoria is a green . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 7.
SAN FRANCISCO, 1855
Pages 11–17
1. Popular novels . . .: Rugoff, Prudery and Passion, p. 78.
2. His path crossed . . .: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 13.
3. “Coming as a prince . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 13.
4. “Provided he did so . . .”: Lacour-Gayet, p. 69.
5. The law said . . .: Sherr, pp. xviii–xix; Stoehr, pp. 220–25.
6. “Her captor . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 14.
7. “I supposed that to marry . . .”: WCW, Oct. 18, 1873, p. 12.
8. “When I found that I had . . .”: BM, Feb. 24, 1894, p. 27.
9. “It was that alone . . .”: BM, Feb. 24, 1894, p. 28.
10. “I realized from that day . . .”: WCW, Oct. 18, 1873, p. 12.
11. “I may not be a competent judge . . .”: Gentry, p. 75.
12. The echoed cry . . .: Longstreet, p. 19; Lacour-Gayet, pp. 152–53; Rhodes, p. 30.
13. “Doctor Woodhull took . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 16.
14. “The truth of it . . .”: BM, Feb. 24, 1894, p. 22.
15. Cigar girl in the . . .: Longstreet, pp. 115, 208.
16. Tilton told yet another story . . .: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” pp. 16–17.
ST. LOUIS, 1865
Pages 18–25
1. Billed in Columbus. . .: Sachs, p. 30.
2. “She clutched Tennie . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 22; New York Herald, June 8, 1871, p. 6.
3. “She straightened
. . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 19.
4. A woman offering advice . . .: Braude, p. 83; McLoughlin, p. 121.
5. Believed disease was . . .: Ahlstrom, p. 486.
6. “During all this period . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 20.
7. “My mother told me . . .”: BPL, Zula Maud Woodhull notes.
8. The eerie, unearthly . . .: McPherson, p. 344; Sutherland, p. 19.
9. Lincoln himself said the . . .: McPherson, p. 742.
10. King of Cancers . . .: Ottawa Free Trader, July 18, 1863, p. 3; Ottawa Free Trader, July 25, 1863, p. 3; Ottawa Republican, July 18, 1863, p. 3.
11. Buck’s focus was cancer . . .: Ottawa Republican, June 4, 1864, p. 2; Ottawa Free Trader, June 4, 1864, p. 2.
12. Charged with manslaughter . . .: Sachs, p. 36.
13. “Circle of cats . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 6.
14. “Such another family . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 6.
15. Society in the 1860s . . .: Braude, p. 124.
16. Cincinnati grew suspicious . . .: Sachs, pp. 38–39.
17. Three million men . . .: Sutherland, p. 19.
18. Their advertisements boasted . . .: Ottawa Free Trader, June 4, 1864, p. 3.
19. Twenty-nine-year-old Civil War veteran . . .: Missouri Historical Society Bulletin, vol. 32, p. 74.
20. “Col. James H. Blood . . .”: Tilton, “Biography of Victoria Claflin Woodhull,” p. 10.
21. Midcentury spiritualists believed . . .:. Dixon, pp. 46–47.
22. “Social bonds should . . .”: Sears, p. 8.
23. “Natural mate”: Sears, p. 99.
24. “Love union of equals”: Spurlock, p. 102.
25. Some spiritualists shunned . . .: Spurlock, pp. 77–78.