strive to establish a friendly relationship, and look for signs of reciprocity in the therapist’s behaviour and utterance. [Indians] offer gifts, extend invitations to visit their residences or to marriages and other social functions.… A distrust of formal contacts and a cosy feeling of security and reassurance in informal contacts is the common characteristic of our people. Even if we are buying some goods from a shopkeeper, we either try to transact business with a known person or attempt to develop familiarity during the business.10
Psychotherapeutic work in India may be developing a pattern of its own that incorporates these attitudes.
In a study of the inner world of the Indian, Sudhir Kakar, trained on the Continent, a former lecturer at Harvard who practices in New Delhi, discusses the pervasive and seldom examined world-picture of a culture, the “heart of a community identity”: the Indian, he believes, is deeply molded by his background of belief in a progression of incarnations, of an inescapable karma, of the samskaras (innate dispositions) with which he is born. He is consequently—by our standards—more passive as well as more dependent and gregarious.
With the cultural acceptance of the notion of samskara, there is little social pressure to foster the belief that if only the caretakers were good enough, and constantly on their toes, the child’s potentialities would be boundlessly fulfilled. With the Hindu emphasis on man’s inner limits, there is not that sense of urgency and struggle against the outside world, with prospects of sudden metamorphoses and great achievements just around the corner, that often seem to propel Western lives.11
Yet the Indian, he continues, always knows above all that he is part of a network of his fellows, always functions as part of a close group.
Perhaps they have always been the norm, and the Western sense of separateness and lonely achievement an aberration of the past hundred years or so. Through the eyes of Indians we can catch a glimpse of our own cultural peculiarities. The Western therapist’s anxiety about dependency is understandable, Neki says, because “most Western patients are lonely in life and have unsatisfied dependency cravings, and therapists are afraid that resolution of dependency will be resisted by the patient. In India, patients nearly always have a variety of ‘significant others’ around them to whom dependency-leanings can always be transferred by a deft therapist.” And the Westerner “has become cut off from introspection and meditation. Psychotherapy perhaps serves to provide him with a substitute for it.” He quotes a colleague who puts it even more strongly:
The institution of psychotherapy, indeed the movement for mental health itself, may be viewed as both a symbolic and substantive cultural undertaking to meet the deficits in the Western way of life and to cope with the negative psychological implications of its premises.12
Whether India, with its close and comforting network of family and community ties, should ever aim at psychiatric provision on the Western scale is doubtful. If it needs to, it will perhaps be a sign of social disintegration. Nor should we assume that therapeutic methods and attitudes adapted to Westerners are the only ones for the less isolated, less striving, less intellectualized Indian patient. Indian psychiatry will surely begin to reject what feels inappropriate and foreign. Surya has written that the present-day Indian psychiatrist “has learnt his medical and psychiatric lessons in a language and in conceptual frameworks which are wholly foreign to the milieu of his birth and habitation”; that unless this is changed “we will end up as ineffectual caricatures of Western psychiatric theory and practice, or reduce our living patients into a set of prestige-loaded foreign jargon.”13 Perhaps India has acquired all it needs from Western concepts of mental health and Western methods of trying to restore it, and will draw more confidently now on its own.
—November 19, 1981
1. D.N. Nandi, Psychoanalysis in Urban and Rural India. National Seminar on Psychotherapeutic Processes (National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences, Bangalore, 1978).
2. Erna Hoch, Process in Instant Cure. National Seminar on Psychotherapeutic Processes (National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences, Bangalore, 1978).
3. G. M. Carstairs and R. L. Kapur, The Great Universe of Kota (University of California Press, 1976).
4. Medard Boss, A Psychiatrist Discovers India (Dufour Editions, 1965).
5. Erik H. Erikson, Gandhi’s Truth (Norton, 1969).
6. Identity and Adulthood, edited by Sudhir Kakar, with an introductory lecture by Erik H. Erikson (Oxford University Press, 1979).
7. Erna Hoch, “A Pattern of Neurosis in India,” American Journal of Psychoanalysis, 1966.
8. J. S. Neki, “Guru-Chela Relationship: The Possibility of a Therapeutic Paradigm,” American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 1973, pp. 755–766.
9. J. S. Neki, “An Examination of the Cultural Relativism of Dependence as a Dynamic of Social and Therapeutic Relationships,” I and II, British Journal of Medical Psychology, No. 49 (1976), pp. 1–22.
10. A. S. Mahal, “Problems of Psychotherapy with Indian Patients,” in Personality Development and Personal Illness, edited by J. S. Neki and G. G. Prabhu (Mental Health Monograph No. 2, New Delhi: All-India Institute of Medical Sciences, 1974).
11. Sudhir Kakar, The Inner World: A Psychoanalytic Study of Childhood and Society in India (Oxford University Press, 1978).
12. S. K. Pande: “The Mystique of ‘Western’ Psychotherapy and Eastern Interpretation,” Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, No. 146 (1968), pp. 425–432.
13. N. C. Surya and S. S. Jayaram, “Some Basic Considerations of Psychotherapy in the Indian Setting,” Indian Journal of Psychiatry, No. 6 (1964), pp. 153–156.
8
In El Salvador
Joan Didion
This was the heyday of Roberto D’Aubuisson, also known as “Blowtorch Bob” after his favorite torture methods, a man who learned his grisly trade in the US from American military instructors. He was just one of many killers able to run around shooting, maiming, and terrorizing their own people in the name of anticommunism.
You had them in Asia, you had them in Latin America, you had them anywhere in the world where the red tide of revolution threatened an assortment of strongmen, Big Men, and Caudillos, who were on the right side of communism.
In El Salvador, “Blowtorch Bob” could have an archbishop murdered, or Maryknoll sisters, or anyone he goddamn liked, for he was “our boy.”
The heyday did not last. The national murder spree ended in the 1990s. Roberto D’Aubuisson died in 1992, in his bed, of cancer. In 1984 he received a prize in Washington DC for being “an inspiration to freedom-loving people everywhere.”
—I.B.
1.
THE THREE-YEAR-OLD El Salvador International Airport is glassy and white and splendidly isolated, conceived during the waning of the Molina “National Transformation” as convenient less to the capital (San Salvador is forty miles away, until recently a drive of several hours) than to a central hallucination of the Molina and Romero regimes, the projected beach resorts, the Hyatt, the Pacific Paradise, tennis, golf, waterskiing, condos, Costa del Sol; the visionary invention of a tourist industry in yet another republic where the leading natural cause of death is gastrointestinal infection. In the general absence of tourists these hotels have since been abandoned, ghost resorts on the empty Pacific beaches, and to land at this airport built to service them is to plunge directly into a state in which no ground is solid, no depth of field reliable, no perception so definite that it might not dissolve into its reverse.
The only logic is that of acquiescence. Immigration is negotiated in a thicket of automatic weapons, but by whose authority the weapons are brandished (army or national guard or national police or customs police or treasury police or one of a continuing proliferation of other shadowy and overlapping forces) is a blurred point. Eye contact is avoided. Documents are scrutinized upside-down. Once clear of the airport, on the new highway that slices through green hills rendered phosphorescent by the cloud cover of the tropical
rainy season, one sees mainly underfed cattle and mongrel dogs and armored vehicles, vans, and trucks and Cherokee Chiefs fitted with reinforced steel and bulletproof Plexiglas an inch thick.
Such vehicles are a fixed feature of local life, and are popularly associated with disappearance and death. There was the Cherokee Chief seen following the Dutch television crew killed in Chalatenango province in March. There was the red Toyota three-quarter-ton pickup sighted near the van driven by the four American Maryknoll workers on the night they were killed in December 1980. There are the three Toyota panel trucks, one yellow, one blue, and one green, none bearing plates, reported present at each of the summer mass detentions (a “detention” is another fixed feature of local life, and often precedes a “disappearance”) in the Amatepec district of San Salvador. These are the details—the models and colors of armored vehicles, the makes and calibers of weapons, the particular methods of dismemberment and decapitation used in particular instances—on which the visitor to Salvador learns immediately to concentrate, to the exclusion of past or future concerns, as in a prolonged amnesiac fugue.
Terror is the given of the place. Black-and-white police cars cruise in pairs, each with the barrel of a rifle extruding from an open window. Roadblocks materialize at random, soldiers fanning out from trucks and taking positions, fingers always on triggers, safetys clicking on and off. Aim is taken as if to pass the time. Every morning El Diario de Hoy and La Prensa Gráfica carry cautionary stories. “Una madre y sus dos hijos fueron asesinados con arma cortante (corvo) por ocho sujetos desconocidos el lunes en la noche”: a mother and her two sons hacked to death in their beds by eight desconocidos, unknown men. The same morning’s paper: the unidentified body of a young man, strangled, found on the shoulder of a road. Same morning, different story: the unidentified bodies of three young men, found on another road, their faces partially destroyed by bayonets, one face carved to represent a cross.
It is largely from these reports in the newspapers that the United States embassy compiles its body counts, which are transmitted to Washington in a weekly dispatch referred to by embassy people as “the grim-gram.” These counts are presented in a kind of tortured code that fails to obscure what is taken for granted in El Salvador, that government forces do most of the killing. In a January 15 memo to Washington, for example, the embassy issued a “guarded” breakdown on its count of 6,909 “reported” political murders between September 16, 1980, and September 15, 1981. Of these 6,909, 922 were “believed committed by security forces,” 952 “believed committed by leftist terrorists,” 136 “believed committed by rightist terrorists,” and 4,889 “committed by unknown assailants,” the famous desconocidos favored by those San Salvador newspapers still publishing. (By whom the remaining ten were committed is unclear.) The memo continued:
The uncertainty involved here can be seen in the fact that responsibility cannot be fixed in the majority of cases. We note, however, that it is generally believed in El Salvador that a large number of the unexplained killings are carried out by the security forces, officially or unofficially. The Embassy is aware of dramatic claims that have been made by one interest group or another in which the security forces figure as the primary agents of murder here. El Salvador’s tangled web of attack and vengeance, traditional criminal violence and political mayhem make this an impossible charge to sustain. In saying this, however, we make no attempt to lighten the responsibility for the deaths of many hundreds, and perhaps thousands, which can be attributed to the security forces.…
The body count kept by what is generally referred to in San Salvador as “the Human Rights Commission” is higher than the embassy’s, and documented periodically by a photographer who goes out looking for bodies. The bodies he photographs are often broken into unnatural positions, and the faces to which the bodies are attached (when they are attached) are equally unnatural, sometimes unrecognizable as human faces, obliterated by acid or beaten to a mash of misplaced ears and teeth or slashed ear to ear and invaded by insects. “Encontrado en Antiguo Cuscatlán el día 25 de marzo 1982: camison de dormir celeste,” the typed caption reads on one photograph: found in Antiguo Cuscatlán March 25, 1982, wearing a sky-blue night shirt. The captions are laconic. Found in Soyapango May 21, 1982. Found in Mejicanos June 11, 1982. Found at El Playón May 30, 1982, white shirt, purple pants, black shoes.
The photograph accompanying that last caption shows a body with no eyes, because the vultures got to it before the photographer did. There is a special kind of practical information that the visitor to El Salvador acquires immediately, the way visitors to other places acquire information about the currency rates, the hours for the museums. In El Salvador one learns that vultures go first for the soft tissue, for the eyes, the exposed genitalia, the open mouth. One learns that an open mouth can be used to make a specific point, can be stuffed with something emblematic; stuffed, say, with a penis, or, if the point has to do with land title, stuffed with some of the dirt in question. One learns that hair deteriorates less rapidly than flesh, and that a skull surrounded by a perfect corona of hair is not an uncommon sight in the body dumps.
All forensic photographs induce in the viewer a certain protective numbness, but dissociation is more difficult here. The disfigurement is too routine. The locations are too near, the dates too recent. There is the presence of the relatives of the disappeared: the women who sit every day in this cramped office on the grounds of the archdiocese, waiting to look at the spiral-bound photo albums in which the photographs are kept. These albums have plastic covers bearing soft-focus color photographs of young Americans in dating situations (strolling through autumn foliage on one album, recumbent in a field of daisies on another), and the women, looking for the bodies of their husbands and brothers and sisters and children, pass them from hand to hand without comment or expression.
One of the more shadowy elements of the violent scene here [is] the death squad. Existence of these groups has long been disputed, but not by many Salvadorans.… Who constitutes the death squads is yet another difficult question. We do not believe that these squads exist as permanent formations but rather as ad hoc vigilante groups that coalesce according to perceived need. Membership is also uncertain, but in addition to civilians we believe that both on-and off-duty members of the security forces are participants. This was unofficially confirmed by right-wing spokesman Maj. Roberto D’Aubuisson who stated in an interview in early 1981 that security force members utilize the guise of the death squad when a potentially embarrassing or odious task needs to be performed.
—from the confidential but later declassified January 15, 1982, memo previously cited, drafted for the State Department by the political section at the embassy in San Salvador
The dead and pieces of the dead turn up in El Salvador everywhere, everyday, as taken for granted as in a nightmare, or a horror movie. Vultures of course suggest the presence of a body. A knot of children on the street suggests the presence of a body. Bodies turn up in the brush of vacant lots, in the garbage thrown down ravines in the richest districts, in public rest rooms, in bus stations. Some are dropped in Lake Ilopango, a few miles east of the city, and wash up near the lakeside cottages and clubs frequented by what remains in San Salvador of the sporting bourgeoisie. Some still turn up at El Playón, the lunar lava field of rotting human flesh visible at one time or another on every television screen in America but characterized as recently as June in the El Salvador News Gazette, an English-language weekly edited by an American named Mario Rosenthal, as an “uncorroborated story … dredged up from the files of leftist propaganda.” Others turn up at Puerta del Diablo, above Parque Balboa, a national Turicentro still described, in the April-July 1982 issue of Aboard TACA, the magazine provided passengers on the national airline of El Salvador, as “offering excellent subjects for color photography.”
I drove up to Puerta del Diablo one morning last summer, past the Casa Presidencial and the camouflaged watchtowers and heavy concentrations of troops and arms so
uth of town, on up a narrow road narrowed further by landslides and deep crevices in the roadbed, a drive so insistently premonitory that after a while I began to hope that I would pass Puerta del Diablo without knowing it, just miss it, write it off, turn around and go back. There was however no way of missing it. Puerta del Diablo is a “view site” in an older and distinctly literary tradition, nature as lesson, an immense cleft rock through which half of El Salvador seems framed, a site so romantic and “mystical,” so theatrically sacrificial in aspect, that it might be a cosmic parody of nineteenth-century landscape painting. The place presents itself as pathetic fallacy: the sky “broods,” the stones “weep,” a constant seepage of water weighting the ferns and moss. The foliage is thick and slick with moisture. The only sound is a steady buzz, I believe of cicadas.
Body dumps are seen in El Salvador as a kind of visitors’ must-do, difficult but worth the detour. “Of course you have seen El Playón,” an aide to President Alvaro Magaña said to me one day, and proceeded to discuss the site geologically, as evidence of the country’s geothermal resources. He made no mention of the bodies. I was unsure if he was sounding me out or simply found the geothermal aspect of overriding interest. One difference between El Playón and Puerta del Diablo is that most bodies at El Playón appear to have been killed somewhere else, and then dumped; at Puerta del Diablo the executions are believed to occur in place, at the top, and the bodies thrown over. Sometimes reporters will speak of wanting to spend the night at Puerta del Diablo, in order to document an actual execution, but at the time I was in Salvador no one had.
The aftermath, the daylight aspect, is well documented. “Nothing fresh today, I hear,” an embassy officer said when I mentioned that I had visited Puerta del Diablo. “Were there any on top?” someone else asked. “There were supposed to have been three on top yesterday.” The point about whether or not there had been any on top was that usually it was necessary to go down to see bodies. The way down is hard. Slabs of stone, slippery with moss, are set into the vertiginous cliff, and it is down this cliff that one begins the descent to the bodies, or what is left of the bodies, pecked and maggoty masses of flesh, bone, hair. On some days there have been helicopters circling, tracking those making the descent. Other days there have been militia at the top, in the clearing where the road seems to run out, but on the morning I was there the only people on top were a man and a woman and three small children, who played in the wet grass while the woman started and stopped a Toyota pickup. She appeared to be learning how to drive. She drove forward and then back toward the edge, apparently following the man’s signals over and over again.
The New York Review Abroad Page 13