by Henry Kamen
79. This is the (undocumented) image given in Marañon, I, 44–7, and followed thereafter by most historians.
80. Pérez de Herrera, in Cabrera, IV, 359.
81. Gachard, Carlos V, p.112.
82. MZA:RAD, G.140, karton 9, sign. 12a.
83. Gachard, Carlos V, p.121.
84. Ibid., p.37.
85. BNM MS.6150 f.115.
86. In March 1581, BZ 142 f.21.
87. Cf. Marañón, I, 48–9.
88. Cf. C. Lisón Tolosana, p.85: ‘his expression glacial, always dressed in black … walking slowly and solemnly’.
89. Previously attributed to Sánchez Coello.
90. Mal Lara, p.47.
91. BNM MS.2751 f.467.
92. On letter of Vázquez, 10 Dec. 1574, BZ 144 f.34.
93. Cf. Koenigsberger ‘The statecraft’, p.81: Philip's ‘suspicion became pathological’, a curious claim and totally undocumented.
94. Pérez de Herrera, in Cabrera IV, 359.
95. Pérez de Herrera, ibid., 360.
96. Pérez de Herrera, ibid., 359.
97. Instruction to viceroy of Naples, 1559, BL Add.28701 f.52.
98. Note by Vázquez, 1 Nov. 1580, IVDJ, 37 f.12.
99. Cited in Rosario Villari, Elogio delta dissimulazione, Bari 1987, p.19.
100. The critic was Juan Costa, in a book of 1578: cited Gil Fernández, p.308. The fashion was still current much later.
101. Gachard, Carlos V, p.112.
102. Ibid., p.39.
103. I use the term ‘bull-run’ deliberately. The ‘run’ or corrida, still commonly practised throughout Spain, was then the standard form of the sport. The modern bullfight was a later evolution.
104. ARSI, Epist. Hisp. 98 f.339.
105. Danvila y Collado, II, 310.
106. Serrano, II, pp.247, 299, 366; IV, p.lix.
107. Archbishop of Rossano, BNM MS.8246 f.97, the reference is to the feast-day of San Juan, 1566.
108. HHSA, Spanien, Varia, karton 2, p, f.18v.
109. Jean Vilar, ‘Segovia, 1570’, in Homenaje a José Antonio Maravall, 3 vols. Madrid 1985, III, 463.
110. San Jerónimo, Memorias, CODOIN, VII, 170.
111. This is a crude attempt to summarise a complex question. Cf. Maravall, I, 261–4; and I. A. A. Thompson, Crown and Cortes. Government, Institutions and Representation in Early Modern Castile, Aldershot 1993, chap. V, 71–3.
112. The Cortes of Madrigal in 1476: cited Maravall, I, 260.
113. Ibid., 327.
114. Instructions to viceroy of Naples, dated Brussels, Jan. 1559, in BL Add.28701 f.49v. Cf. the views of Koenigsberger on this source: Koenigsberger, pp.172–5.
115. Cf. Jean Barbey, Être roi. Le roi et son gouvernement en France de Clovis à Louis XVI, Paris 1992, p.150.
116. Luis Sánchez Agesta, ‘El “poderío real absoluto” en el testamento de 1554’, in Carlos V (1500–1558), pp.439–60. Cf. also Maravall's views on absolutism: Maravall, I, 279–84.
117. Maravall, I, 253.
118. The word ‘majesty’ can be found in use in both Castile and Catalonia (see ibid., 255–6), but seldom as an official title.
119. Felipe de la Torre, Institucion de un rey Christiano, Antwerp 1556. Torre's book is concerned with education, not power.
120. Cited Marañón, I, 348.
121. Though the execution was secret, the fact was made public immediately: ‘Relacion … para … Dietristan’, MZA:RAD, K 9/24. The account of his last moments, in BL Eg.357 f.96.
122. Cortés was imprisoned for a while, then banished from court for sixteen years and fined 150,000 ducats: IVDJ, 59 no.48.
123. Cabrera, III, 504.
124. See the important and fundamental study by Teofilo Ruiz on ‘Unsacred monarchy. The kings of Castile in the late Middle Ages’, reprinted in his The City and the Realm: Burgos and Castile 1080–1492, Aldershot 1992, chap.XIII.
125. Spain is notably absent from the essays edited by János Bak, Coronations. Mediaeval and Early Modern monarchic ritual, Berkeley 1990.
126. Here I differ radically from Barghahn, I, 99, 109.
127. Alberi, ser.I, vol.5, p.324. For a sensible comment on the phrase, see Bratli, p.237.
128. Cf. Baltasar Porreño, Dichos y hechos del rey D. Felipe II, Madrid 1942 edn, p.286.
129. Cited Muro, App. 12.
130. Braudel, II, 936–7.
131. King to count of Luna, 4 July 1562, CODOIN, XCVIII, 344.
132. See above, Chapter 3, p.64.
133. Braudel, II, 675.
134. King to count of Luna, 28 Jan. 1562, CODOIN, XCVIII, 287.
135. BL Add.28361 ff.10, 11, 24.
136. Barajas, Chinchón and Juan de Idiáquez.
137. Thomas Platter, cited in Thompson, ‘Absolutism in Castile’, in Crown and Cortes, V, 71.
138. BZ 144 f.130.
139. Papers of 7 Sept. 1581: BZ 129 f.61.
140. Cited Gachard, Don Carlos, p.93.
141. Kamen, Phoenix, p.204.
142. Castillo de Bobadilla, I, 561, 584–6.
143. Cabrera, II, 231.
144. Cf. Helen Nader, Liberty in Absolute Spain. The Habsburg sale of towns 1516–1700, Baltimore 1990.
145. Ambassador Soranzo, 1565, Alberi, ser.I, vol.5, p.112.
146. March, Don Luis de Requeséns, p.189.
147. To Diego de Ibarra, 18 Nov. 1590, cited in J. Zarco Cuevas, Ideales y normas de gobierno de Felipe II, Escorial 1927, p.9.
148. ‘L'a dict souvent’, Elizabeth Valois stated in 1566: Douais, I, 68.
149. To Maximilian, Guadalupe, 5 Feb. 1570, CODOIN, CIII, 432.
150. See Chapter 9, p.252.
151. E.g. at Pentecost 1575 he confessed to fray Alonso de Sevilla: San Jerónimo, Memorias, CODOIN, VII, 127.
152. Fresneda was also appointed bishop of Cuenca in 1562, then of Córdoba in 1571, and finally archbishop of Saragossa in 1577. He died before he could occupy the last of these posts.
153. On letter from Vázquez, 8 Aug. 1583, BZ 142 f.13.
154. The best brief survey of Philip's relations with the papacy is Martin Philippson, ‘Felipe II y el pontificado’, in Maurenbrecher. It appeared originally in Historische Zeitschrift, 1878.
155. Cited Danvila y Collado, II, 271.
156. Cabrera, II, 685.
157. Ibid., 356.
158. Judgment was eventually issued by the papacy in 1572, and Carranza died in Rome in 1576.
159. For Murcia and Mallorca, see Serrano, III, cviii-cxii.
160. Philip to Requesens, Jan. 1569, cited ibid., cii.
161. Philip to Zúñiga, 27 Oct. 1569, in Serrano, IV, xii.
162. Kamen,Phoenix, p.258.
163. Cf.Goodman, pp.261–2.
164. Cf Kamen, Phoenix, p.404.
165. Koenigsberger, p.58, saw this as a ‘grave weakness’. But the relative absence of imperial theory can also be regarded as a reason why the monarchy managed to survive for three centuries, longer than any other empire in history. The British empire, likewise, had no theory until very late in its career.
166. See my comment below in Chapter 9, note 74.
167. Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World. Ideologies of empire in Spain, Britain and France c.1500 to c.1800, New Haven and London, 1995, PP.57–9
168. G. Parker, ‘Maps and ministers: the Spanish Habsburgs’, in David Buisseret, ed., Monarchs, Ministers and Maps, Chicago 1993.I am grateful to Professor Jeremy Black for this reference.
169. Letters of 1 Feb. 1566 and 11 Mar. 1575, BCR MS.2174 ff.43,133.
170. Goodman, p.65.
171. Ambrosio de Morales, Las antigue dades de las ciudades de España, Alcalá 1575, p.4.
172. Cited by Parker, n.168 above.
173. Splendidly edited by Richard L. Kagan, Spanish Cities of the Golden Age. The views of Anton van den Wyngaerde, Berkeley 1989. In the same years Joris Hoefnagel also prepared a series of sketches of Spanish towns for a work he published in 1572.
174. Goodman, pp.68�
�71, gives a useful brief summary. See also H. Cline, ‘The Relaciones Geográficas of the Spanish Indies’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 44 (1964).
175. AGS:E leg.157 ff.102,104. From this document it is clear that there were no more returns, despite the speculation of Parker (above, n.168) that there were more.
176. Angel de la Plaza, Archivo General de Simancas. Guía del Investigador, Valladolid 1962, pp.xxxi-1.
177. 15 Nov. 1581, BZ 142 f.19.
178. Philip to emperor, 9 June 1552, AGS:E leg.92 f.116.
179. Rodríguez and Rodríguez, p.43.
180. Report by Mateo Vázquez on discussions in councils of State and War, Nov. 1589: BZ 143 f.231.
181. The study by De Lamar Jensen, Diplomacy and Dogmatism, Cambridge, Mass. 1964, is limited to Mendoza's part in the French civil wars. No other ambassador of Philip has ever been studied. Among ministers, only Granvelle has received full treatment.
182. Report on Tassis contained in ‘Copia del papel que el duque de Feria dio sobre las cosas de Flandes’, 1596, AGS:E leg.343 f.110.
183. Letter of 15 Dec. 1568, BCR MS. 2174 f.71.
184. As in Naples and Sicily: See Koenigsberger, p.50.
185. AGS:SP leg.984, documents of 11 Nov. 1589.
186. Braudel, I, 374.
187. CODOIN, XXXVII, 228.
188. Gachard, Correspondance, I, 199.
189. Granvelle to Morillon, 11 May, 1573, in Charles Piot, Correspondance du Cardinal de Granvelle, Vol. IV (Brussels 1884), p.558.
190. Braudel, II, 677.
191. BL Add.28399 ff.7–9.
192. Cited (1565) by González Palencia, I, 259.
193. King to Diego de Ibarra, 25 Feb. 1593, Gachard, Correspondance, II, lxxv.
194. Charles Gibson, The Black Legend. Anti-Spanish attitudes in the Old World and the New, New York 1971.
9. War in the West 1580–1586
1. San Lorenzo, 27 June 1577: BZ 144 f.158.
2. For example, ‘rey de España’ in a document of 1574: BL Add.28357 f.85.
3. Order of 18 Sept. 1581, ibid. f.511.
4. Bouza, ‘Portugal’, p.325.
5. Juan Rufo in his Austriada (1584).
6. Pedro Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia de España, written in the 1590s.
7. See e.g. C. R. Boxer, The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion 1440–1770, Baltimore 1978.
8. Braudel, II, 1184.
9. Thompson, War and Government, P.33.
10. Unsigned memoir, printed in CODOIN, VI, 452.
11. See Barghahn, 1,90–100; Wilkinson, pp.77–9.
12. Destroyed in the 1755 earthquake.
13. I take the phrase from Wilkinson, p.77.
14. Barghahn, by contrast, argues that ‘Philip's interest in formulating an imperial vocabulary that would argue the providential rule of the Habsburgs is expressed clearly in the building and decoration of the Torreão’: Barghahn, I, 99.
15. Fray Lorenzo de Villavicencio to Philip, Favre, vol.29 f.260.
16. They were returned from Santiago to Braga: ibid. f.132.
17. All in 1582: Favre, vol.33, Part 1 ff.10,137,155.
18. Favre, vol.33, part 2 f.302, an order of Feb 1582.
19. Venetian ambassador Zane, Madrid, 16 Apr. 1582, CSPV, VIII, 33.
20. Merriman, IV, 381.
21. Claudio Acquaviva to Juan de Zúñiga, 16 Oct. 1582, Favre, vol.23 f.170. The Indian was a priest of the old Malabar rite, studying with the Jesuits in Lisbon.
22. P. T. Rooney, ‘Habsburg fiscal policies in Portugal 1580–1640’, Journal of European Economic History, vol.23, no.3 (winter 1994), p.546.
23. They were restored in 1593, when Philip needed more money.
24. Cited by F. Bouza Alvarez, ‘Portugal en la política flamenca de Felipe II’, Hispania, 181 (1992), p.696.
25. ‘I am writing before anything else’, June 1581, Bouza, Cartas, p.45.
26. 26 June 1581, Bouza, Cartas, p.46.
27. Gassol to Zúñiga, 23 July 1582, Favre, vol.23 f.107.
28. Lisbon, 21 Aug. 1581, Bouza, Cartas, p.51.
29. Bouza, Cartas, p.82.
30. Ibid., p.73.
31. Cf. Van Durme, p.348.
32. The Jesuit Ribadeneira, cited Bouza, ‘Portugal’, p. 101.
33. President Antonio Mauriño de Pazos to Vázquezsa, Madrid, 9 June 1580, IVDJ, 21 f.782.
34. President to Vázquez, Madrid, 10 Mar. 1582, ibid. f.875.
35. Van Durme, pp.353, 357.
36. Ambassador Zane, in Alberi, ser.I, vol.5, p.358.
37. Bouza, Cartas, p.68.
38. ‘When he got the news [the prince's death] he decided his departure’: Cabrera, II, 686.
39. Lisbon, 25 Oct. 1582, Bouza, Cartas, p.78.
40. San Jerónimo, Memorias, CODOIN, VII, 364.
41. But not in the sense portrayed in Parker, Philip II, p.79, where the king and his sisters are shown as solitaries, when in fact they were always socially active, and very close to each other.
42. Pérez de Herrera, in Cabrera, IV, 353.
43. BNM MS.2751 f.434.
44. San Jerónimo, Memorias, CODOIN, VII, 366.
45. On Cambiaso, Checa, p.326; on the painting, San Jerónimo, Memorias, CODOIN, VII, 370.
46. San Jerónimo, Memorias, CODOIN, VII, 369.
47. HHSA, Spanien, Varia, karton 3, c, ff.12–13.
48. In the Prado; formerly attributed to Sánchez Coello.
49. HHSA, Spanien, Varia, karton 3, c, f.26.
50. Details from Sepúlveda, p.29.
51. San Jerónimo, Memorias, CODOIN, VII, 385, 394.
52. San Lorenzo, 24 Sept. 1584: BL Add.28263 f.339.
53. HHSA, Spanien, Varia, karton 3, c, f.37a.
54. Alvar Ezquerra, p.120.
55. Bouza, Cartas, p.30, n.25.
56. HHSA, Spanien, Varia, karton 3, c, f.21, Aug. 1583.
57. President to Vázquez, Madrid, 25 July 1580, IVDJ, 21 f.787.
58. 26 Jan. 1581, Elvas, IVDJ, 51 f.187.
59. 17 July 1584, BZ 141 f.90.
60. Memoir by Philip, 3 Feb. 1584, BZ 142 f.67.
61. King to Vázquez, 19 Feb. 1584, BZ 141 f.82.
62. To Esteban de Ibarra, 13 Aug. 1589, BCR MS.2417 f.37.
63. To Vázquez, Madrid, 26 Oct. 1578, IVDJ, 51 f.183.
64. Vázquez to king, 22 Aug. 1583, ibid. f.105.
65. Comments of king on letter of Vázquez to king, 22 Aug. 1583, ibid.
66. Aguilon to Zayas, 6 Nov. 1572, Teulet, V, 109.
67. Philip to Don Juan, Nov. 1576, AGS:E leg.570 f.88.
68. Philip to Alba, Badajoz, 31 Aug. 1580, CODOIN, XXXII, 507.
69. Testimony of Khevenhüller: BNM MS.2751 f.478.
70. King to Mendoza, Setubal, 23 Apr. 1582, Teulet, V, 239.
71. Strada, I, 290.
72. Mousset, p.27, despatch of 29 Feb. 1584. Cf. Van Durme, p.363.
73. E.g. by Braudel, who felt that religious zeal in the 1580s ‘turned the Spanish king into the champion of Catholicism’: Braudel, II, 677.
74. The claim that ‘a unique aura of “messianic imperialism” came to pervade the court’ (G. Parker, ‘Philip II and his world’, in R. L. Kagan and G. Parker, Spain, Europe and the Atlantic World, Cambridge 1995, p.259) is made without supporting evidence, and must be seen as baseless.
75. ‘Un événement européen’, Gossart, p.110.
76. Terranova to Juan de Zúñiga, 10 Apr. 1579, Favre, vol.20 f.75.
77. Cf. Yates, pp.94–6.
78. Parker, Dutch Revolt, p.204.
79. This doctrine is still subscribed to by twentieth-century governments.
80. Cf. Roland Mousnier, The Assassination of Henry IV, London 1973, pp.86–105.
81. Cabrera, I, 524.
82. Philip said of the Guise proposal, ‘It wouldn't be bad if they did it by themselves’, but he did not wish to be involved. Marginal note on letter of Tassis to king, Paris, 24 June 1583, Teulet, V, 281. Apart from these cases involving affairs of state, Phil
ip avoided implication in assassination. My discussion of the Escobedo case suggests that the king was not involved in that murder.
83. Cf. Gossart, p.132.
84. Ibid., p.122.
85. Granvelle to Margaret, 20 Sept.; and Venetian envoy to Senate, 21 Sept. 1585 in CSPV, VIII, 121.
86. Ibid., 120.
87. The treaty of Joinville, signed Dec. 1584, created the Catholic League. A similar league had existed in 1576.
88. Mousset, p.108.
89. MZA:RAD, G 140, karton 9, sign. 12a, ‘Relacion … hasta los nuebe de febrero de 1585 años para … Dietristan’.
90. Ibid.
91. Cock, p.16.
92. This private ceremony was the true marriage; the ceremony next day was merely a blessing. For the distinction between the two, cf. Kamen, Phoenix, chap.6.
93. The best accounts of these days in Saragossa are Cock; HHSA; and the ‘Relacion de lo que ha pasado … para Dietristan mi señor’ in MZA: RAD, G. 140, karton 9, sign. 12a.
94. Cock, p.60.
95. Longlée, 13 Apr. 1585, Saragossa, in Mousset, p.130.
96. Cock, p.128.
97. Cited A. Durán i Sanpere, Barcelona i la seva història, Barcelona 1972, p.437 n.27.
98. ‘Relacion … de esta corte para mi señor el baron Adam de Dietrichstan’, MZA:RAD, G. 140, karton 9, sign. 12a.
99. June-July 1585, in Bouza, Cartas, pp.92–5.
100. Martha Pollak, Turin 1564–1680: urban design, military culture and the creation of the absolutist capital, Chicago 1991.
101. Comendador Cristóbal Briceño to Madrid, 1586, Favre, vol.23 ff.435, 438.
102. Longlée, 14 Oct. 1585, in Mousset, p.183.
103. Bouza, Cartas, p.103.
104. Cock, p.226.
105. Bouza, Cartas, p.106.
106. Longlée to Henry III, 31 Jan. 1586, in Mousset, p.217.
107. Details cited in Hispania (Madrid), 2 (1942), pp.286–97. The bottles of wine are listed as ‘pounds’ (by weight) of wine.
108. Cock, p.253.
109. Longlée to Catherine de’ Medici, 8 Feb. 1586, in Mousset, p.226.
110. Longlée to Henry III, 6 Mar. 1586, ibid., p.237.
111. Longlée to Henry III, 8 Feb. 1586, ibid., p.223.
112. Ambassador Zane, 8 Mar. 1586, CSPV, VIII, 145.
113. Bouza, Cartas, p.107.
114. Alberi, ser. I, vol.5, p.357.
115. Bouza, Cartas, pp.107, 109