For as much as our sovereign Lady Queen Jane is after the death of our sovereign Lord Edward the sixth, a prince of most noble memory invested and possessed with the just and right title in the Imperial Crown of this Realm, not only by good order of old ancient laws of this Realm, but also by our late sovereign Lords Letters patent signed with his own hand.46
This confirmed that Jane’s authority had been bestowed by the late King, but to add insult to injury they continued to remind Mary that through the actions of her father, she had been ‘justly made illegitimate’, and was therefore unable to inherit the crown: ‘We must therefore, as of most bound duty and allegiance, assent unto her said Grace [Jane], and to none other.’47 The words were similar to those set out in the proclamation signed by Jane, which had been read to the citizens of London earlier that day. It had begun with a resolute statement of royal authority: ‘Jane, by the grace of God Queen of England, of France and of Ireland, defender of the Faith, and after Christ, principal Head on Earth of the Church of England and Ireland.’48 After declaring in no uncertain terms the illegitimacy of the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth, Jane’s proclamation had made further assertions in a bid to win the loyalty of the people:
We do therefore by these presents signify unto all our most loving, faithful, and obedient subjects, that like as we for our part shall, by God’s grace, show our self a most gracious, and benign Sovereign Queen, and Lady to all our good Subjects in all their just, and lawful suits, and causes, and to the uttermost of our power shall preserve and maintain God’s most holy word, Christian policy, and the good laws, customs, and liberties of these our realms and dominions: So we mistrust not, but they, and every of them will again see their parts, at all times, and in all cases show themselves unto us their natural liege Queen, and Lady, most faithful, loving, and obedient subjects, according to their bounden duties, and allegiances, whereby they shall please God, and do the thing that shall tend to their own preservations, and sureties.49
It was clear that Mary was expected to do the same, and quietly resign herself to the fact that she had been ousted from her place in the succession. The letter in which the Councillors now addressed her, pledging their loyalty to Queen Jane, was signed by all twenty-three of its members, headed by Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. Everyone realized, though, that a mere letter was not going to be enough: action was needed too.
Jane had remained calm throughout the evening’s events, for her thoughts had been elsewhere. When at last the troubled Councillors had retired for the evening and she was left alone with her husband, she took the opportunity to confront him. Having had several hours to ponder Winchester’s comments, Jane now made it abundantly clear to Guildford that she had absolutely no intention of making him king. Perhaps her brutal comments were intensified by the anguish she felt upon receiving Mary’s letter, and Guildford, towards whom she had few warm feelings, bore the brunt of it, but Jane was not prepared to back down. Guildford was stunned. He listened as Jane conceded that she would only allow him to take the title of her consort if she were petitioned by Parliament, but her reluctance was glaringly obvious. After all, Guildford shared none of Jane’s royal blood, and any notions of becoming king had been born purely out of ambition. As a concession she offered to make her husband a duke, perhaps the Duke of Clarence. Despite any feelings of disappointment, initially Guildford appeared to comply with her wishes. However, having had time to think on the matter, Guildford was amazed by Jane’s attitude. She might be queen but she was still his wife, and was duty-bound to honour and obey him. Their contemporaries certainly expected him to be Jane’s consort, for in a dispatch to the Emperor the Imperial ambassadors had referred to ‘the new King and Queen’.50 Realizing that despite his best efforts he would be unable to alter her mind single-handedly, Guildford now sought someone to help fight his corner, and he did not have far to look. The Duchess of Northumberland was fiercely protective of her children, and she had never warmed to Jane. When Guildford told her of the heated words exchanged with his wife, the Duchess immediately took her son’s side. According to Jane, the Duchess ‘got very angry at me’ and advised Guildford to shun Jane’s bed in an attempt to bring her to heel – a threat that had no impact on Jane.51 Deciding to take his mother’s advice, Guildford now reacted with complete and utter outrage: not only had he been married to a girl who treated him with contempt, but now she had also resolved to deny him the title to which he believed that, as her husband, he was entitled. Guildford insisted that he would be king, but Jane refused to yield. So furious was the Duchess of Northumberland with her daughter-in-law that she took her guidance one step further, drastically urging her son to prepare to leave the Tower with her that same evening in order to force Jane to be reasonable.
Hearing of the fraught exchange between Guildford and Jane, and the schemes of his wife to depart from the Tower, the Duke of Northumberland was alarmed. It appeared that Jane was not as pliable as he had expected, and was seemingly prepared to make her opinions heard. Jane’s parents and those who knew her were well aware of how stubborn she could be, but Northumberland, who barely knew her, was amazed. It had never occurred to him that Jane would not be willing to go along with his schemes; the girl had a mind of her own, and was perfectly willing to assert it. When Jane heard that Guildford and his mother were planning to leave, she immediately sent orders to prevent them from doing so. Much to their chagrin, Guildford and the Duchess had no choice but to obey Jane’s commands, albeit with ill grace. Jane was nevertheless furious about the whole affair, which only served to add further to her anxiety. Equally, Guildford was determined not to give up on his visions of becoming king, and it was later observed that he had himself addressed as ‘Your Grace’ and ‘Your Excellency’, and ‘sat at the head of the Council board, and was served alone’.52 His behaviour, in such contrast to that exhibited by Jane thus far, demonstrated that he could be petulant and incredibly selfish with little regard for his wife. In Jane’s mind it proved a point: Guildford was highly unsuited to kingship, and she would stand her ground.
As tempers flared, Jane prepared to spend her first night at the Tower. The day had been an overwhelming whirl of emotions, and the pressure of the situation in which she now found herself was causing her incredible stress. She was angry, forced into an unhappy marriage and a queenship that she had never sought. Jane had very little in terms of emotional support, for despite the presence of her mother, both knew what was expected of her. Yet still she had managed to make her voice heard; she had already shown that she was prepared to assert her authority and that she would not be bullied. In the coming days it would be crucial for her to continue in a similar vein, for Mary’s letter had shown that she had nailed her colours to the mast. There could only be one Queen of England: Jane or Mary.
CHAPTER 14
Falsely Styled Queen
WITH THE RECEIPT of Mary’s letter on 10 July it was imperative that action be taken; if Jane was to sit securely on her throne then it was crucial that Mary be apprehended, and quickly. More importantly, Jane’s authority as queen needed to be asserted. Jane’s supporters greeted her accession with delight; a Protestant Merchant Taylor named Richard Hilles, who mixed in similar circles to the Greys, was thrilled to be writing to Bullinger that ‘the government of this realm has devolved upon this queen Jane, to which event may our good and gracious God grant his blessing!’1 He joyfully believed that Jane’s subjects ‘shall nevertheless be able to live a godly, quiet, and tranquil life, in all peace, virtue, and righteousness; and that the pure word of God will always be sincerely preached in this realm, and the true doctrine of the gospel maintained to the great comfort of all believers who dwell here, which may the Lord Almighty grant!’2 However, Hilles was among the minority, for it was perfectly clear that in general the people were ‘discontented with the election of Jane’, and at eight o’clock on the morning of 11 July, Gilbert Pott, a young man who had spoken ‘seditious and traitorous words’ against Jane ‘was set on t
he pillory, and both his ears cut off’.3 Although the example of Pott’s was a singular occurrence, it was not a good start to the new reign. At this moment Jane chose to show her true strength of character. Reacting to the news that Mary ‘caused herself to be proclaimed Queen in Norfolk, and is continuing to do so in the neighbouring districts, both verbally and by means of letters’, she retaliated by issuing a number of proclamations, ordering her subjects to stand by her as their rightful queen, and as a contemporary observed, ‘in many parts of the kingdom Jane was proclaimed two or three times over’.4 Though the people listened, according to the papal envoy Giovanni Commendone they heard the words ‘with remarkable discontent as hateful to everybody’.5 In a warrant directed to her father’s old friend William Parr, Marquess of Northampton, Jane made it clear what was expected of him:
You will endeavour yourself in all things to the uttermost of your power, not only to defend our just title, but also assist us in our rightful possession of this kingdom, and to disturb, repel, and resist the feigned and untrue claim of the Lady Mary bastard daughter to our great uncle Henry the Eight of famous memory.6
In the battle of the female cousins, Jane and Mary proved that they had far more in common than their royal blood – they were both true Tudors through and through, determined not to give up until the bitter end.
In these first few days, there was not a moment to be spared: every second counted, and delay could be fatal. Already Northumberland had sent his son Robert to try to secure Mary’s custody, as well as giving orders for ‘several armed vessels to be prepared’ in an attempt to protect the country should the Emperor send forces to aid Mary.7 He had also sent his cousin Henry Dudley to France in order to try to rally foreign support from King Henri II, a move that unsurprisingly drew caustic comment from the Imperial ambassadors: ‘Such a thing is the courage of a resolute tyrant, especially when he is making a desperate attempt to grasp power.’8 But more was needed, and in London ‘[t]he drum is being beaten here to raise troops.’9 Jane’s father the Duke of Suffolk was naturally one of her most steadfast supporters, so who better to defend her crown than he? Henry then, it was decided, would lead Jane’s forces in an attempt to capture Mary. According to Robert Wingfield, though, Henry had other ideas:
The duke was most unhappy at being entrusted with such a weighty task, and on the virtuous and salutary advice of his wife Frances, refused the offer, using some fainting fits, or according to others, attacks of giddiness as his excuse. His daughter, the so-called queen, strongly urged him to embark on this expedition, saying with great boldness that she could have no safer defence for her majesty than her most loving father.10
The first part of this account seems highly plausible, for it was not the first time that Henry would plead illness as an excuse. Neither did he relish military action, as his previous experience demonstrated. Heeding his wife’s advice also sounds familiar, although in truth he probably needed little persuasion. The astute Frances may have envisaged that if events did not work in their favour at this uncertain time, then Mary would be more likely to show mercy if Henry was not seen to be leading the oppositional forces. However, Jane’s reaction is at odds with all other accounts, and it is more probable that she was anxious for her father to remain by her side.11 Rowland Lea, illustrating Jane’s stubbornness once more, claimed that ‘the duke of Suffolk was clean dissolved by the special means of the lady Jane his daughter, who, taking the matter heavily, with weeping tears made request to the whole council that her father might tarry at home in her company’.12 Her anxiety was understandable, and seeing that there was no question of Henry leaving the Tower, ‘the council persuaded with the duke of Northumberland to take that voyage upon him’.13 The Duke was ‘the best man of war in the realm’, and ‘was therefore so feared, that none durst once lift up their weapons against him’.14 Northumberland was the obvious choice, but it transpired to be a fatal mistake.
Northumberland, too, was reluctant to leave London, for he was wary that without his commanding presence the loyalties of his colleagues might be swayed towards Mary. Already reports of growing support for Mary in East Anglia were beginning to reach the capital, and the Council heard that ‘the whole country of Norfolk had come to her obedience and had taken up the arms to join in her defence’.15 Seeing that he had no other choice, however, he answered that ‘since ye think it good, I and mine will go, not doubting of your fidelity to the queen’s majesty, which I leave in your custody’.16 The decision had been made, and when Jane was informed that Northumberland had been selected to lead her forces, she ‘humbly thanked the duke for reserving her father at home, and beseeched him to use his diligence, whereto he answered that he would do what in him lay’.17
Approaching his task with the utmost seriousness, Northumberland immediately ‘threw all his energies into the campaign and prepared a most excellent army’, for ‘he was very ready to despise the plans of a mere woman’.18 His preparations could not have gone better, and it was observed that he had ‘more than three thousand horsemen well equipped and about thirty pieces of cannon and ammunition wagons’.19 Many of these were no doubt enticed by the promise of pay set at eight crowns a month plus expenses. Northumberland was not deterred by the news that many of the lords across the counties had pledged their allegiance to Mary, for ‘there were also many who obeyed the orders of the Duke to enlist soldiers against her’.20 As Jane’s forces gathered at Durham Place, where ‘he appointed all the retinue to meet’, she too must have felt less anguished since the Council had appointed Northumberland as leader of her army in place of her father, and the thought of his absence probably provided some welcome relief.21 The Duke himself, though, was still extremely apprehensive about leaving. He urged the Council to send reinforcements to him following his departure, which they agreed to do. He then made a moving speech in which he reminded his colleagues of the loyalty they owed to Jane. However, he warned them,
if ye shall violate, hoping thereby of life and promotion, neither acquit you of the sacred and holy oath of allegiance, made freely by you, to this virtuous lady the Queen’s Highness, who, by your and our enticement is rather by force placed thereon than by her own seeking and request.22
Assured as far as was possible but full of foreboding, after dinner in the Royal Apartments on the evening of 13 July, Northumberland ‘went into the queen’, and there he ‘took his leave of her’.23 He then left the Tower with the Marquess of Northampton and ‘divers other’, and headed for Durham Place, ‘where that night they mustered their company in harness, and the next day in the morning the duke departed’.24 They left ‘with a force which amounted to some 2,000 horse and 3,000 foot at least’, and with ‘twenty great pieces of artillery’.25 As Northumberland rode out of London with an outward display of confidence for his expedition, his spirits were dampened when he observed that ‘the people press to see us, but not one sayeth, God speed us’.26 Nevertheless, he had good reason to feel optimistic about his cause and his ability to rally more men, for ‘he could animate his army with witty persuasions’.27
The hearts of the Londoners may have belonged to Mary, but her supporters were by no means convinced that she would be victorious, and on 14 July the Imperial ambassadors told their master that ‘We therefore believe that she is weak.’28 Indeed, the odds appeared to be very much stacked in Jane’s favour. Initially, ‘they who had acknowledged her Highness as Queen were so dejected that they fully deemed that they would be ruined on her account’.29 Concerned for her safety, the Imperial ambassadors wrote to the Emperor that ‘We believe that my Lady will be in his hands [Northumberland’s] in four days’ time unless she has a sufficient force to resist,’ for the Duke ‘is strong on land and by sea, so, as far as we can see, none of the people who are secretly attached to the Lady Mary can or dare declare for her or rise unless they hear that she is being supported by your Majesty’.30 The next few days would be vital.
No sooner had Northumberland left than word reached Jane that several
of her lords were defecting to Mary in other counties across her realm, including John Bourchier, Earl of Bath, the Earl of Sussex, and Lord Dacre in the north. Although this was in many ways unsurprising given that all of these men had Catholic sympathies, it was still disastrous news, made infinitely worse by the fact that there was no one in London whom Jane could trust to take control of the situation. With Northumberland gone, Jane’s father was now head of the Council. Henry, however, had none of the authority of Northumberland; neither did he inspire confidence. What is more, he was rattled by the news that support for Mary was growing, and ‘for the fear which the Duke of Suffolk had of them of the Council, lest in the absence of Northumberland they should cause a revolution, he would not suffer them to go out of the Court, even to their own houses’.31 They were all in this together, and Henry at least was determined that it would stay that way. Jane and her father trusted nobody within the Council, for they were all too aware that despite the assurances they had made to Northumberland, promises were easily broken. In particular, suspicion fell on the Marquess of Winchester, and as he tried to leave the Tower one evening for his London home, to his dismay he discovered that ‘the gates of the Tower upon a sudden was shut, and the keys carved up to the queen Jane’.32
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