Since these many grievances had already created a dangerous environment, the commons were incensed to the point of action by news that Cromwell’s henchmen had been tasked to enforce the August injunctions by removing their anti-reformation relics. Those who chose to rebel not only refused further obedience to the King’s reforms; they called for the repeal of the Ten Articles. Precisely who was to make such a call, however, was made complicated by the class politics of the time. The nobility, naturally, sided with the King and his reforms, being dependent on his Majesty’s good graces for their status. In between the poorest commoners and the nobility, stood the local gentry, whose status was more complicated.
The gentry were the modern equivalent of a sort of middle class; people who typically lacked the wealth, titles, and lands of the nobility, but who could acquire such positions faster than commoners because of ties to the nobility acquired through military service, connections at court, or recognition for significant achievements. Typically, the gentry shared some blood ties with nobles and could call upon them for favors. They were also more highly educated than the commons, but tended to remain low level merchants and businessmen. In these troubled times, the commoners’ calls for lower taxes and to reinstate the suppressed monasteries appealed to many in the gentry, but ultimately, most joined forces with the nobility, if only begrudgingly, because the feudal system remained the basis for the possibility of advancement. Tension between the gentry and nobility led to strained relations throughout the period of the uprisings, but for a while at least they tended to maintain harmony.
Five of the King’s commissioners had been captured in the town of Caistor Hill. These men were documented to be Sir William (last name unknown), Sir Edward Madeson, a Mr. Booth, Sir Robert Tyrwhit, and Thomas Portington. One of the servants, a man named Nicolas, was not so fortunate compared to previous visiting commissioners from the state. His master watched as the crowd beat him to death. Should there have been any doubts about the intentions of the angry commoners, this violence made it very clear.
The rebels that gathered together in these small towns used force to coerce their betters into joining them. As the uprising had been gathering steam, several of the royal taxmen, lawyers, and commissioners had been sent to the north to fulfill duties for the King or to suppress religious houses. When word arrived that these men were in town, the rebels sought them out. In the town of Bolingbroke, a lawyer named John Rayne, who served as the Bishop of London’s Chancellor, arrived to conduct a suppression inquiry. Edward Dymmoke and Captain Cobbler, the initial leaders of the uprising were present as Rayne was taken from the monastery to Horncastle and was stoned to death by the crowd as the mob called for his head. He had pleaded, even attempted bribery, to save his life, but the crowd wanted blood, and they got it. After his death, the mob robbed his person. Rather than satiate their desire for violence, the crowd responded to this bloodshed by gathering more arms. After the murders, the rebels were certain that royal forces would be coming. At the direction of their leaders they continued to march on other towns, and made known their threat to eventually get to London, hang Cromwell, kill the Queen and hold the King at ransom until he agreed to address their grievances.
By the following week the King had been made aware of the uprising in the north and the deaths of his agents. The news both frightened and enraged him; this was the first time in his reign that he had faced a serious rebellion. These rebels violated the sanctity of Henry’s divine right to rule by rejecting him outright. It also put the monarchy in great jeopardy of losing control of its subjects, which if left unresolved, would mean an end to the Tudor line. Even more than the theoretical loss of the crown, Henry knew well the torture these rebels meant to subject him to, should they ever succeed, and the rebels were threatening death to his Queen as well. Indeed, this karmic retribution was unwelcome and had to be prevented. Instead of embracing a role as general of his own armies, Henry assigned Brandon as the leader against the rebels, with a fraction of his forces, a mere 5,000 men. The King’s father, Henry VII, had met a similar rebellion during his own time in person with a great show of force. His son, on the other hand, had chosen the cowardly path of least resistance by assigning a still-recovering Brandon to listen to the rebels’ demands and act as General.
Brandon probably was not the wisest choice, given his previous injury. It was only recently, over the summer, that he had learned how to handle a sword again, and he lacked the quickness and vigor that he had once shown in battle. Further, his wife was pregnant for the fourth time, and he wanted to stay at home with her instead of risking his life. He also had his doubts about the mission that lay before him. He knew that these rebels must be stopped, but these were also his countrymen, with women and children that he would be responsible for putting to death. Unfortunately for him, he would have to go and obey his master’s order. Henry attempted to reassure him that he would be overseer only, and was there to act in a diplomatic capacity, to negotiate the terms of peace that the rebels sought. Still not convinced, Brandon accepted his charge, if not from genuine desire than out of friendship and loyalty, and went home to inform his wife and prepare to be away possibly at battle for several months, should diplomacy fail with these rebels. Cromwell had advised the King that it would take at least three-four months before this uprising was quelled, so the King ordered enough reinforcements for his agents to last that long; should it take longer to restore order, the royal forces would be at a disadvantage.
Sympathetic historians have painted a picture of Henry as being wise for assigning other men to take control of the army on the ground, while he maintained control of the government miles away from the danger. By doing so, he would be able to direct his government from the palace, protect his family and his heir, and be distant enough to avoid being personally charged as oppressing his people. This was not, however, a careful plan by a wise and shrewd King; it was a selfish attempt to escape unscathed. Despite his prowess in many areas, Henry displayed a lack of core values such as honor and courage, especially on the battle field and by not engaging these rebels directly. He very easily could have left Cromwell in charge of the country’s affairs and led his men to the fight. There is a legend that, as a child, Henry VIII and his mother were forced into the Tower of London by rebels while his father fought them off, and won his family’s safe release. Perhaps Henry VIII, now as King, never forgot this moment of valor, and knew he could not live up to the strength it took his father to execute such a daring feat.
In any event, when it became Henry VIII’s turn to suppress a rebellion, he instead sent his wounded friend Brandon to battle, and stayed in London. This tasking of others to do his work caused controversy among more than one council member at court. Going with Brandon was Thomas Howard, the Earl of Surrey. The Earl was the son of the Duke of Norfolk and had extensive experience in military campaigns; however, he had fallen out of favor with the King some time previously due to lewd behavior at court. The Earl had quite the reputation as a womanizer, gambler and fighter, acting more like a commoner than an esteemed member of the peerage. Many of his fellow courtiers disliked him immensely, but in matters of battle he was highly skilled and was one of the few the King could count on to perform violent acts others would refuse to do, such as crimes against women and children.
Cromwell had been completely caught off guard by the rebel uprising and was fearful of his status with the King, now that he had not only failed to anticipate the serious opposition to their reforms, but had actually downplayed their intensity and possible effects to his master. Knowing full well that his very life was already in jeopardy with Henry, he was even more keen to keep his eyes open for all areas of gossip that could potentially help him out of his mess with the King. Henry held Cromwell responsible for not informing him of the discontent in the north with the reforms. His minister’s failings now put his entire reign in jeopardy. He also was well aware that Henry never warmed to him personally, as he
had done with his predecessors (although both Wolsey and More would, in their own ways, fall out of the King’s favor and die either indirectly or directly as a result) and so he could not fall back on that relationship to appease an angry sovereign. Worse yet, with the Queen out for blood, she now had all the ammunition she would need to seek his destruction.
Though the minister was far too clever to let this unfortunate situation get the better of him, he had to think of a way out of this. Henry was known to publicly beat Cromwell about the head when angry, and on the occasion of the uprising, he did so in his own chambers, calling Cromwell a knave and threatening his neck if he failed to resolve the crisis. At Henry’s command Cromwell drew up the terms the King dictated for presentation to the rebels. It was the equivalent of a modern day cease-and-desist letter that demanded that they disperse or face his wrath.
With both of their majesties now angry at him, the only relationship of value Cromwell managed to develop and keep was a private one with the Ambassador Chapuys of the Spanish Empire. Politically, these two were on opposite sides, with Chapuys a strict Catholic and Cromwell a reformer (if not atheist). The two had no reason at all to be friends. Nevertheless, the two got along quite well and found they had much in common. On a personal level, the two shared a fondness for drink, tapestry, and intellectual conversation. Cromwell found the Ambassador stimulating and enlightening, a welcome change from the typical matters at court. The minister and the Ambassador shared many a drink together and Chapuys met Cromwell’s son Gregory, his daughter-in-law and his new grandson.
Cromwell played on the Ambassador’s keen knowledge of Spanish trade, being a former merchant himself. The King’s minister was sensible enough to realize the potential of realigning with Spanish interests. Spain, with its new territories in the Americas producing unheard of wealth, and with the Spanish King also holding title to the territories of modern Germany and central Europe as Holy Roman Emperor, was the most powerful country in Europe, affording Madrid access to the finest fabrics, spices, jewels and food varieties on several continents. Building these ties would help the Ambassador’s position as well, as the majority of these goods were frequently demanded by the English people, and the English nobility would pay handsomely for them. Chapuys and Cromwell could indeed use each other.
More than anything else, Chapuys was interested in any news of a rift between the King and “his whore.” Cromwell told his foreign confidante that he feared having lost any affection from a Queen who no longer cared for him at all and that, in fact, his Queen hated him and wanted to see his downfall. This was quite pleasing news for Chapuys, who would later share it with his master, but the Ambassador also wanted to advise his new ally of how best to play the matter, so as to survive this dangerous monarchy. Cromwell, understanding that his relationship with Anne had changed and was reaching out for new allies, had received surprisingly warm counsel from Chapuys, who (as a foreign minister) was the only noble at court who could fill that position without risking his own status.
Of course, Cromwell’s association with the Ambassador also held a potential danger for the minister, as it could be manipulated into charges of treason, should Henry or the Boleyn faction decide it was time to push him out of the way. Nevertheless, if his efforts were to be successful, Cromwell would have to secure a powerful ally, and he chose Chapuys. It can be reasoned that he took the lessons of Wolsey’s foreign relationships and attempted to repeat his methods. That, combined with his general lack of friends among the English nobility found him little social comforts at court. He had told Chapuys, who later documented this to his master, that Cromwell trusted in the King and thought himself protected from any harm from Anne. Cromwell was also aware of Spain’s animosity towards Anne, so for a nearly fallen minister seeking powerful new friends, he was heading in the right direction; at least, so he thought.
In November 1535, at Emperor Charles V’s request, Chapuys offered to Cromwell the same relationship he had once had with Wolsey. They would trade inside information and it would pay very handsomely. No surviving evidence suggests Cromwell took the bribe, and thus might have formally committed treason, but all accounts of their continuing and deepening personal relationship suggest that the likelihood is high that he did. The minister also certainly realized that to ensure his political survival, it was not good to entirely alienate and create enemies where potential opportunity existed. Beyond being well compensated, he probably would have had the opportunity to temper his master’s anger by uncovering vital information about Spain through Chapuys’ unique connections. He would have been a complete fool not to take the opportunity presented him, given the set of circumstances. Chapuys as well understood the situation all too well. The understanding was probably that information of potential use to their masters would be exchanged, in return for a generous sum to Cromwell.
Unconfirmed reports allege that during the uprising, Cromwell confided to Chapuys that he grew ever fearful of Anne’s hold upon the King, and that he feared his own standing in his master’s graces. Such a tip would have provided valuable information to Charles V on Anne’s affairs, status with the King, the King’s status with regard to his people, and the strength of his monarchy, and thus more broadly on Spanish interests with regard to England. It was, indeed, a mutually beneficial relationship. Nevertheless, the accuracy of this account of Cromwell’s espionage cannot be validated as the source was one of Cromwell’s own grooms, a servant known for furthering his own ambitions at court at any price and so whose allegations could be interpreted as seeking favor with those who sought the minister’s downfall.
The rebels sought the cooperation of Lord Hussey, a member of the nobility who lived in Lincolnshire, and had supported Henry’s cause against Rome to marry Anne. Despite this, the rebels needed Hussey’s support. For the gentry, the joining of any nobles to their cause was essential. By securing his support they could add to the weight of their threat against the crown. Hussey, by his position, also had powerful friends in the nobility, especially the Lord Darce, another Northern resident. By gaining his majesty’s trust, Hussey had been given a privileged position as Lord Chamberlain to the Lady Mary, an interesting choice given his role in the removal of her mother only a year prior. Anne Hussey, during her husband’s time serving the Lady Mary, had been sent to prison in the Tower only weeks before the uprising, merely for calling the Lady Mary by her old title of Princess.
Certainly, Hussey had cause for divided loyalties, and when the commoners called upon him to join them, his answer was mixed and he was initially not trusted. The people’s instinct turned out to be correct. When they arrived in person to persuade him to join the rebellion, they found only his wife home, with no knowledge as to Hussey’s whereabouts or even when he had fled. In fact, he had left her to face the rebels alone. By the time the rebels arrived, their numbers were close to 30,000 and included people from several neighboring towns including Worcester, Leicester and Stafford, to name just a few. The rebels forced others to join their cause by burning and pillaging their villages, beating to death those who refused, and other vile acts of duress.
On October 12th the group received a message from Brandon. This insolence would not be tolerated. Interestingly, these rebels were not only more numerous than the troops dispatched to suppress them, they also had more passion and commitment to their cause, and a much better knowledge of the landscape. Still, the rebels needed more support if they were to stand a chance of winning their demands for the long term. By order of the King, they were to cease this rebellion and, if they failed to do so, brutal force would be used against them. The King also demanded that 100 of the rebels, presumably its leaders, be turned over immediately to face swift punishment, making it clear that for their very unnatural act of rebellion they would face his wrath. Anne was kept well informed of the actions and only further encouraged Henry’s wrath against the traitors. Regardless of the validity of accusations waged against her involvemen
t in religious persecutions to that point, the Queen would be well blamed for encouraging a harsh response to threats against her and her husband’s reign. She was fearful, but remained resilient in the face of opposition, never missing an opportunity to chide her husband to send the rebels to their doom even quicker and far more harshly than even the King had probably intended. The Queen would not hide her displeasure over the rebel’s intransigence and would openly damn them, condemning them for their treason at court, to while dining with Ambassadors and Henry. His brutal response to the rebels most likely did come at Anne’s insistence.
Soon after attempting to persuade Lord Darce as well to join their cause, the Lincolnshire uprising fell apart due to lackluster management, but the rebel movement, which had spread across the north, was replaced only days later by an uprising in Yorkshire that was gathering strength. This Yorkshire uprising would be called the “Pilgrimage of Grace.” The gentry, as well as commons, in Yorkshire were up in arms that only three of the closed church houses had been converted to educational trusts, none of which were in the north.
In the same month, Cromwell’s agents added another provocation by visiting a monastery at Hexham in Northumberland seeking to impose the suppression measures, even though its revenues far exceeded the thresholds set by the Acts that justified confiscatory measures against those houses considered small. In this instance, the King’s minster was attempting to supersede Henry’s orders, allegedly on behalf of his master. Whatever the claim, he disobeyed the King and should have faced severe consequences, but he never did. The King seemed all too willing to forgive Cromwell upon realizing how much money the crown stood to gain by closing this monastery down. In fact, in time, the King would reward Cromwell for enhancing his much depleted treasury.
Had the Queen Lived: Page 13