5.6 Ensuring Support for Change
Various notes from the Boleyn’s private meetings on the education plan, and how they sought to implement it, still survive. The majority of these documents came from Lord Rochford’s estate and contained key background information on each Member of Parliament and all of the courtiers. They also outlined the entire strategy on how to overcome opposition to Anne’s agenda. Because the lessons were held in the servant area, where nobles rarely went, it was hoped that the lessons had little chance of being discovered. Still, it was better to be prepared than not.
The main surviving volume is a secret journal of each courtier’s private activities. Did the subject keep his tithes to the church, pay his taxes on time, was he a gambler, a drunkard, did he frequent whore houses or have secret bastard children? Was the subject committing fraud of office, or was he a suspected papist, and could it be proven in court? Most of all, even though all had had to swear the oaths of Supremacy and Succession, was the subject thought sincerely loyal to Queen Anne and the new Prince, or was the subject deserving of further investigation for possible treason? These records were meticulously kept, and contained every lurid detail—detailed back several years—about every member of the court and Parliament, including even the Star Chamber jurists, the groomsmen and ladies-in-waiting to their majesties, the Tower Constable, Members of Parliament, local sheriffs and mayors and the Yeoman Guards.
While those who gathered this intelligence have never been confirmed, it is highly probable that Viscount Rochford did much himself, with the aid of Sir William Bryan, who was known for conducting such operations for Rochford. Bryan’s involvement in the plot is significant. His loyalties had previously lain with the Seymour family, perhaps earning his reputation for playing both sides of the political aisle to suit the current winds. Regardless, he diligently performed espionage and regularly met with Lord Rochford. As an evident reward of his services, Rochford generously granted him a salary of 1,000 pounds a year, recorded only as “for his counsel.”
Gradually the information started leaking out only when it suited the Boleyn’s purposes. A clear example of how this trove of information was put to use took place early in the effort to find support and funding for the reform effort. In February 1538, the Privy Council met to discuss imposing new beard taxes on barbers, for use by the crown in paying for the upkeep of shop supplies at a discount. The barber merchants would obtain their materials, chairs, razors, semi-clean water, lotions, herbs and oils at a generously discounted rate and in turn would voluntarily submit over 60% of their profits back to the crown. This arrangement, primarily with the barbers in London, managed to grant the exchequer a continuous, albeit small, source of revenue. With the increase in court spending by Henry and Anne, not to mention Henry’s various military expenditures, the crown’s coffers were running dangerously low. Anne desperately counted on additional resources being available to spread her reforms of the English Bible and education plan.
During the Privy Council session, Henry Grey, 3rd Marquis of Dorset rose to vigorously oppose the tax resolution, claiming that this would be more than a modest inconvenience and would jeopardize the provision of vital services to the community; he called it deplorable and demanded the resolution be dismissed. It was certainly true that barbers in Tudor society played a critical role, they not only cut hair but also performed basic medical care and even some surgeries, but it would have been a good exercise of Lord Rochford’s “Black Dossier” to use the information to deflect the Marquis from his opposition.
Henry Grey had received his title upon the death of his father, Thomas, in 1530. He held a close friendship with the King and the Duke of Suffolk and as a result was granted permission to marry Lady Frances Brandon, the daughter of the King’s late sister Mary Tudor and Charles Brandon, the Duke of Suffolk. Their union produced three daughters, the Lady Jane Grey, Lady Catherine Grey and Lady Mary Grey. During his time at court he had managed to make the most of his surroundings and quickly became known for his good fortune at card playing, his love of the minstrels, and his charm and ability to win and retain useful friendships. Grey was knighted by Henry as a member of the Order of Bath, a very prestigious order of chivalry, and one of the highest honors a courtier could hope to achieve.
Nevertheless, Grey also had a knack for drinking and frequenting houses of ill repute. Contemporaries would remark that he had a violent streak with his wife and struck her about the head quite often. Should there have been any visible truth to such speculation; the Duke of Suffolk, his father-in-law, would have dealt with Grey accordingly at the time. Most likely, these rumors were falsehoods spread by enemies Grey had made at the gambling tables. Rochford had managed to record an extensive tally of Grey’s gambling debts to a local merchant named Charles Shrewsbury, an up and coming but still low level courtier who custom made cod pieces for the King.
On one such evening in April 1536, Grey had incurred a debt of nearly 25,000 pounds and had ever since been unable to pay it. Shrewsbury, drunk himself, attacked Grey with a sword leaving a deep mark on Grey’s left forearm before being pulled away by other gamblers. Shrewsbury never forgot or forgave the debt and would blackmail Grey for favors at court in exchange for his silence. This may have been about the time that Shrewsbury became the King’s private tailor, for that most delicate accessory.
Although Shrewsbury’s tailor shop was known for catering to noble and royal clients, no specific mention of the merchant had been made until early 1537 in Henry’s privy expenses, a recording of a New Year’s gift, meaning that Shrewsbury would have been in attendance at Christmastide that year. Grey’s debt would have been a most convenient one for Shrewsbury to have obtained.
At the conclusion of that day’s session, Lord Rochford pulled Grey aside and spoke to him privately. The next day, Grey recanted his prior objections to the barber tax and vehemently reversed his course, not only rising in favor of the tax, but of increasing it further. When Cromwell questioned Grey’s sudden change of mind, he modestly declared he had been persuaded of the barbers’ debauchery and had come to realize the true nature of these beasts’ depravity. He quietly sat for the remainder of that session, very out of character for such a robust, boisterous man. However it was that Rochford had managed to persuade Grey, he would be the first of many such opponents to step aside.
Another well respected member of the nobility, Henry Bourchier, 2nd Earl of Essex, had bypassed Cromwell and appealed to the King—vaguely—for permission to remove peasants from his lands in the manner he saw most fit. Those reading between the lines could understand that he sought to use severe and brutal force. Otherwise, he had no need to seek royal approval; however, if word was received back to the King about the tactics he wanted to use to remove them, he might risk losing his own head. Only the King could grant permission for such methods. Like most of the nobility, Bourchier hated Cromwell and avoided dealing with “the despised little clerk.” The King denied his request and told Cromwell to write back to the Earl sympathizing with his plight but making it clear that no brutal force was to be exercised. The Earl’s request had been denied. Bothersome peasants were a common occurrence at court; Henry could not see a reason why their deaths should be had over such minor inconveniences. Cromwell did as the King commanded, but would not forget the slight that the Earl had done him. He brought the matter to Lord Rochford and wanted to know what information, if any, his agents had been able to uncover about the Earl’s activities.
The Earl was on the surface a clean man. The faction could find no evidence of treachery; he had taken the oath without objection and had always paid his taxes on time. Further, he sent beautiful gifts to the King on both his marriage to Anne and at each of the royal children’s births. The only scandal that had ever touched him was being a judge at the former 3rd Duke of Buckingham’s trial for treason back in 1521. At the time, it was rumored that he secretly favored the Duke’s cause and that he private
ly grieved at Buckingham’s death, but outwardly he passed a verdict of guilty. The rumors were started by jealous courtiers with nothing to corroborate them, but Rochford was not satisfied. A cynical view to be certain, but he could not believe that the Earl had led such a clean life and made it his personal mission to ferret out anything unscrupulous in his affairs. The Earl had managed to slip by Rochford’s agents because of how outwardly clean he appeared to be, but mindful of the possible advantage in winning some gratitude from Cromwell, he sent George to Essex to find out more about the Earl. George was to visit local merchants, the clergy, close friends and associates of the Earl, and find out any information he could.
Anne was also hiring and engaging her own agents where possible. She had received numerous requests to fill two new vacancies in her household as ladies-in-waiting and she was diligently going through each of the applications to uncover the potential candidates’ loyalty and appropriateness. One such lady was Lady Audrey de Vere, daughter of John de Vere, the Earl of Oxford. The Queen knew her well. She was a beautiful sixteen-year-old girl with an outgoing personality and a charming disposition. She was incredibly devout in her studies and known for her beautiful dancing and singing. She was one of the most sought after ladies in the land and several offers of pre-contract for her hand had been presented to the King. Anne wanted such a lady in her inner circle and sent for her immediately. Anne could certainly exploit the talents and connections of such an in-demand lady.
The last week of February 1538, Tyndale was ready to present his translation plans to the Queen and the Archbishop. This massive work was to be executed in three parts. First, not only Bibles but all approved religious and reformist secular works for distribution would need to be translated and for a time be made available to the public at the expense of the crown. This would be done with paid tutors available to teach people how to read and interpret the reformist documents. If adults were to understand it, she understood that they needed to be given the tools to do so and most of the English commons could barely read or write their own name, much less understand complicated religious texts. The translation work in itself would take several months, possibly close to a year.
Secondly, Tyndale recommended giving the people a national Holy Day in exchange for their participation at court, where they would be invited in heavily guarded sessions for the Queen to personally read highlighted scripture, and hear a sermon and receive a blessing by the Archbishop. It is on this day that the people would receive their free English Bible and associated texts, in addition to wine, food, and any other items to bring them closer to the crown. Tyndale fully admitted this objective would be the most difficult upon which to gain approval, but that it was the most critical to ensure that all of their efforts could succeed; they needed to make it in the people’s benefit to embrace Reformation, and—so soon after an attempted rebellion—not be seen to be imposing the reforms solely through fear.
Finally, Tyndale thought the people should be permitted regular, ongoing dialogue with the Archbishop and the Queen, to reinforce reformist principles. One day of festivities would not be enough, there would need to be continuous cultural outreach by the heads of state, and the tutoring lessons would have to continue for several years at the expense of the crown. Tyndale understood the gravity of what he was suggesting, but he was very persuasive and confident in his approach.
Anne excitedly embraced his plan but expressed reservations about getting Henry to agree. The Archbishop was outwardly nervous and felt the plan might be perceived by both the King and the people as too Lutheran in its elements, causing the opposite of what they had intended. He warned that pushing the people beyond what they were ready to accept could lead them to repeat the series of uprisings and hostilities that the Pilgrimage had brought only a year earlier. He also feared, knowing Henry’s religious scruples all too well, that his Majesty would never allow these reforms to extend this far. For the King’s entire outward embrace of Reformation, he privately reserved some Catholic sentiments and Cranmer understood that. Paying little heed to the Archbishop’s warning, Anne thanked Tyndale for his and Cranmer’s continued works and vowed to persuade the King to her cause. The timing of her message could not have been more critical.
Henry had spent most of the spring hunting with his nobles. The Privy Council had been busy preparing an increase in ale taxes, a bill that would certainly not be popular. Diplomatic affairs had been uneventful; the latest news was word of a wedding in the Netherlands that did not attract much attention. Charles V continued his campaign against the Ottoman Empire, making significant advances against the enemy. Chapuys received a request from his master to return home immediately, pending further developments.
The Ambassador formally requested to take leave of England to attend to his affairs and promised his replacement once his master had chosen a suitable successor. The request was made for only three months, just enough time not to arouse suspicion at court and to truly attend to personal business at home. Seeing no impediment, the King temporarily gave him leave to leave, making great cheer with the Ambassador before he left. Before leaving for home, he and Cromwell dined at the minister’s estate.
As it stood England had only enough supplies to withstand maybe one or two solid attacks from enemy forces, whether in Scotland or from the Continent. Reinforcements, if they were available, could take weeks to reach certain parts of the country and would be unarmed. A shortage of iron had not just affected Spain but England, and while new mines were being uncovered, it took significant time to conquer logistical challenges. The majority of the weapons confiscated from the Pilgrimage were melted down and made into other goods without foresight. Continuing food shortages also heightened anxiety about war. Although domestic policy concerns were the focus of the English Court, to quell any potential flare up of public opinion leading to rebellion, these concerns had to be carefully cultivated to ensure that threats from abroad did not also rear their heads. Little did Henry know how great a threat was, indeed, looming.
Figure 1: Anne Boleyn, 1534
Figure 2: Anne Boleyn Wax Figure
Copyright Lara E. Eakins, www.tudorhistory.org
Figure 3: Anne Boleyn’s Signature
Copyright Lara E. Eakins, tudorhistory.org
Figure 4: Anne Boleyn Falcon Badge Crest.
Copyright Lara E. Eakins, tudorhistory.org
Figure 5: Henry VIII, Portrait from the 1520’s
Figure 6: Westminster Abbey
Figure 7: Tower of London. Copyright Dave Hogue, 2009
Figure 8: Hampton Court Palace, Main Entrance Exterior
Figure 9: Thomas Cromwell,
Lord Privy Seal and Earl of Essex.
Painted by Hans Holbein the Younger.
Copyright The Frick Collection
Figure 10: Drawing of Anne Boleyn, 1520’s
Chapter 6
The Pope Strikes Back
The Pope who would most seriously challenge the revolution Henry and Anne would institute in England would begin as a favored member of the Italian gentry. Alessandro Farnese was born in 1468 to one of Italy’s wealthiest families in Latium. On his mother’s side he was distantly related to a previous pontiff, His Holiness Pope Boniface VIII. The Farnese family made connections with senior nobles at the court of Lorenzo de’Medici. As a result of these connections, he studied at the University of Pisa under the generous support of the elite Medici banking family.
It was here that he shared the study of humanist principles with Sir Thomas More and Cardinal Wolsey. Humanism studied the variety and depth of ethical theory, with its principal application in scientific reason, logic, and rejecting actions based on the belief of a deity. They believed that actions should be based on rational logic, placing faith in their understanding of the world in its natural state, rather than basing conduct on the presumed understanding of the will of a supreme being. The irony is that so
many brilliant scholars during the Renaissance period studied this system, yet ended up devoted Catholics, whose agenda often worked against the very humanist principles they studied. His diligence in papal affairs was noticed and in 1491 he was ordained as a Cardinal Deacon of Santi Cosma e Damiano by Pope Alexander VI. He remained in the church until several pontiff’s later. Pope Clement VII promoted and ordained him as the Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and as Dean of the College of Cardinals.
In 1534, after Clement’s death, the curia elected Alessandro Farnese pope by universal vote; he chose the name Pope Paul III. This Pope would provide the first serious challenge to reformers since the movement began. Pope Paul III began his reign less than a year after Henry’s marriage to Anne. The Pope had railed against Henry’s reformation since the beginning. It was no great secret he harbored deep inner resentment towards the Queen and publicly blamed her for all of England’s problems.
One of the main criticisms of the Catholic Church by reformers had been the financial corruption within its own clergy. This was, surprisingly, one area that the Pope agreed on and diligently sought to correct. After the full scope of England’s closure of the religious houses became apparent in 1536, Paul III invited eight papal legates to form the Consilium de Emendanda Ecclesia (Project for the Reform of the Church). This commission was set up to identify any truth to accusations of financial mismanagement. Seven of the delegates were Italian Cardinals handpicked by Paul himself. The eighth member was an Englishman, the scholar Reginald Pole, who had fled England at the start of the Reformation. To Paul’s credit, its formation was the first substantive step in reforming the church.
Had the Queen Lived: Page 20