by Gordon Ryan
Eight hours later, at two o’clock the following morning, the president was awakened to be advised that the vice president had died during surgery.
In a clean sweep, the terrorists had done away with the senior British government official and the vice president of the United States, and within two hours, the Provisional Wing of the Irish Republican Army had claimed responsibility for the atrocity. It was, they said, an act of defiance in protest against the support given by the United States and Great Britain to the Australian bid for independence, while withholding such freedom from Northern Ireland—a nation that had been struggling for independence for nearly eight centuries.
A spokesman for the political wing of the IRA, Sinn Fein, stated that effective immediately, the Good Friday Agreement, also known as the Belfast Agreement, signed in 1998, was no longer valid, having been broken in concept by British support for the Australian republican movement and by the American government de facto support for the California secession.
This act of aggression against the United States broke a longstanding tradition of the IRA. Within forty-eight hours, public opinion polls reflected an immediate withdrawal of American support for the IRA, which for many years had been sympathetic to Irish interests.
At 11:00 a.m., Eastern Standard Time, the president made a nationwide announcement that the perpetrators would be identified and brought to justice. He made a point of declaring that this unprecedented and unprovoked act of terrorism was a clear indicator of the true colors of the IRA, an organization that deserved only scorn from freedom-loving Americans.
* * *
Repeating each clause after U.S. Supreme Court Justice Maria Ramirez, Clarene Prescott pledged the oath of office.
“I, Clarene Elizabeth Prescott, do solemnly swear …”
“… that I will faithfully execute the office of Vice President of the United States …”
“… and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States …”
“… so help me God.”
Justice Ramirez smiled and offered her hand to Vice President Prescott. “Congratulations, Madam Vice President.”
“Thank you, Justice Ramirez,” Clarene replied. The women had been friends and political associates for many years, and Clarene’s choice of Justice Ramirez to perform the swearing-in ceremony was not so much a feminist issue as a response to their longstanding friendship.
Others, however, had not been equally supportive of President Eastman’s nomination of Ambassador Prescott. Three weeks had passed while Eastman and his senior staff had lobbied the holdouts in the party, seeking coalition from Congress. One Senate stalwart, a member of the same party as the president but who had often opposed his causes, had, on this occasion, reason to support the president and had lent his hand to the formation of the coalition.
Senator Malcolm Turner hoped to find an ally in Clarene Prescott, as they were both Californians. He looked toward her appointment as one that would give him greater leverage in the White House and, therefore, in the executive branch. While some within Congress had privately supported Turner in his call for California secession, most feared the political repercussions back in their home states if such a movement caught fire. Clarene Prescott was indebted to Turner for his support, without which her nomination and Senate approval would have been much tougher, a debt he had not allowed to escape her attention.
President Eastman took Clarene by the arm as they moved toward the White House pressroom. “There were times,” he commented, “when I wasn’t sure we could pull it off.”
The press, and indeed the Senate committees, had demanded of Ambassador Prescott her statement of position on the intended secession of California before they would confirm her nomination. In spite of her California origins and the very vocal support she had received from Senator Turner, a known advocate of secession, Clarene Prescott had been able to convince all sides that she was in favor of the Union, while at the same time favorably disposed to correcting the intrusions that the federal government had imposed on all individual states, not limited to just California.
“You did break some new ground, Bill,” Clarene responded. “That requires one to break up the dirt clods first.”
“Haven’t let your farm roots get far away, have you?” Eastman said.
“Something like your ‘Alaska sled dog’ stories, I suppose. Remembering where I came from helps me to keep things in perspective.”
Entering the press room, Eastman moved toward the stand. “You’re about to discover a new perspective, Clarene,” he whispered as he took his place behind the lectern.
“Ladies and gentleman, it is my privilege and distinct honor to introduce to you the vice president of the United States, Clarene Elizabeth Prescott.”
The Washington press corps, cynical from years of ferreting out the truth in a town that thrived on leaks and intentional deception, rose as a body to applaud Vice President Prescott as she took the stand. She understood that some of the applause was prompted by her having become the first female vice president. But perhaps, she reflected, part of the accolade grew out of their recognition of her nearly thirty years of service to the country—as deputy under secretary of defense, deputy secretary of state, ambassador to the United Nations, and for the most recent seven years, national security advisor to the president. Prescott had served in four presidential administrations, two Republican and two Democrat. A Democrat herself, she had earned the respect of both parties through the performance of her duties and her ability to work both camps without sacrificing principle—no simple feat in Washington.
The deference paid by the press lasted nearly sixty seconds before it became business as usual. After offering some brief introductory remarks, including some self-deprecating humor, Vice President Prescott opened the floor for questions. Henry Schikman, UPI, stood first.
“Madam Vice President, congratulations on your appointment. It comes at a time of great domestic turmoil and international change, the likes of which the world has not experienced. In the face of the continuing war in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the domestic attacks against federal law enforcement agencies, specifically the attack on the ATF in California, and the murder of numerous congressional representatives by those who favor the secession, how do you respond to those who actually applauded these actions as well-deserved, and what will you recommend be done to punish those who perpetrated these acts of war against the United States?”
Clarene glanced at President Eastman, not so much for direction as to acknowledge his earlier comment and recognize the brevity of her appointment honeymoon.
“Thank you, Henry,” she said. “I believe it was Andy Warhol who said, ‘Everyone is entitled to their fifteen minutes of fame.’ As the president predicted, I’ve had less than two minutes of honeymoon in office,” she replied, eliciting mild laughter from her inquisitors. “You are correct, however, that we are passing through a period of unprecedented international and domestic political upheaval. The breakup of the former Soviet Union over twenty years ago presaged a separatist movement among other nations, including some that had been politically aligned since the turn of the last century. Ethnic diversity, historical geography, and, certainly, philosophical and religious variations have called into question many traditional national alignments—some of them longstanding. The terrorist activities in the Middle East, Europe, and even within our own borders have brought us face to face with some hard choices.
“While not all bad in its context, these actions have certainly given rise to a worldwide instability, which often, as history has shown, causes the turmoil of which you speak. We are, of course as you know, withdrawing our troops from the Middle East, as quickly as the security of those nations allows.
“The president is on record as being supportive of the need to assess each situation as it develops and has assured the American people of his determination to provide a secure and stable domestic environment and to evaluate each
international development with an eye toward the strategic interests of the United States. Beyond that, Henry, I feel it inappropriate to project our response as to the proposed intentions of the federal government, or indeed, to preclude any necessary specific measures, other than to say that we firmly believe that all citizens, including those in California, have the right to live peaceful, normal lives and to live free of the fear of military or government-sponsored organizations inserting themselves into their lives.”
“A follow-up, if I may, Madam Vice President,” Schikman almost shouted, as a din rose from others wishing to pose their question. “It is well-known that Senator Turner, a fellow Californian, has supported your nomination and appointment to the office of vice president. Have you agreed to reciprocate by supporting his agenda for California’s secession? Does his support of your appointment indicate that you agree with his stance? And finally, as VP, what is your official stance on California?”
“Henry,” Prescott said, “Senator Turner has represented the State of California for nearly twenty-five years. He understands their problems perhaps better than I, notwithstanding our common agricultural origins. I intend to work closely with the Senator and, where his recommendations further the interest of both California and the United States, will be supportive of his legislation. As regards California’s position vis-à-vis the Union, my stand before the Senate committee is a matter of record, and I’ll reserve any further comments until the chief justice has issued a statement on the Supreme Court’s review of the constitutionality of the referendum.”
Clarene looked away from Schikman and called on Ann Wallingford of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Press comments continued regarding the most pressing issues, including California’s secession plans, Australia’s republican movement, and the United States’ intentions with regard to the rising Irish debate in the aftermath of the IRA’s killing of the vice president.
* * *
“Good evening. I’m Paul Spackman, and welcome to the Six O’ Clock Eyewitness News. The battle lines have been drawn, and the strategy has become clear. The U.S. Supreme Court, in a six-to-three split decision, has overturned the California election approving secession. Representing the minority opinion, Justice Harlan Michaels declared that the California secession vote was constitutional, citing as a precedent the Treaty of Guadelupe Hildago of 1848, wherein Mexico ascribed certain rights with regard to the California territories, among those being the right to divide into multiple jurisdictions.
“Justice Harlan has opined that the United States assumed the obligations of that treaty when California was acquired from Mexico. Supporters of the secession movement have claimed that by extension, the treaty affords them the right to separate from the United States. The minority opinion confirmed the validity of that treaty and its applicability to the current situation.
“Speaking for the majority, Justice Holcomb cited a later Supreme Court case, Texas vs. White, et al., 1868, wherein Texas was deemed to have rights to certain United States financial instruments despite the fact that Texas had seceded during the Civil War. Declaring Texas’ statehood indissoluble, the court in the 1868 post–Civil-War decision honored Texas’ claim to federal bonds procured prior to the secession. Justice Holcomb’s opinion is that if Texas’ statehood remained intact during the course of the Civil War, California would inherit that indissolubility and void the election results. In other words, the original congressional contract approving California’s entrance into the Union in 1850 is irrevocable.”
Spackman shuffled a few papers and continued. “Last year, the California Supreme Court basically ducked the question and ordered a statewide election for the single purpose of determining support for secession. Immediately following the overwhelming vote to secede, thirty-eight United States Congressmen from California filed a motion to overturn, and the matter was elevated to the United States Supreme Court. Faced with an even larger majority in favor of secession, the U.S. Supreme Court nevertheless addressed the issue, rendering, at noon today, their decision to overturn the California election.
“California House Speaker James Huntington, who has voiced his opposition to secession, was contacted at his office today. In a terse comment, Huntington said the California legislature would proceed with the formation of a constitutional committee. U.S. Senator Malcolm Turner, a long-time proponent of secession, indicated that he has been in touch with the governor’s office, urging the California chief executive to proceed without delay to implement the will of the people and not to be deterred by the Supreme Court’s actions.
“In a related story, FBI sources today reported that the Western Patriot Movement has declared unqualified support for the secession, warning that attempts by agencies of the United States government to thwart the will of the California people will not be tolerated and will be met with military force.”
Chapter 25
Walnut Creek, California
Dan Rawlings sat with Nicole watching the evening news from the living room of her Walnut Creek apartment. It was the second time he had been inside her sanctuary, both of them having avoided their growing desire. Earlier, during an autograph session at a local Barnes & Noble bookstore in Walnut Creek for his new novel, Dan had been besieged by both opponents and supporters of secession, primarily because in the closing chapters of his American family saga, the protagonist’s family was shattered, to the point of violence, by their opposing views on a fictitious secession movement, not unlike the present situation in California.
The combination of Dan’s election to the California legislature, the timing of the book’s release, and the inclusion of the topic of secession had sent book sales soaring, elevating Voices in My Blood to number four on the New York Times Best Seller list, up from number twelve on election night. It was a phenomenal feat for a previously unpublished author. His literary agent had already received three film offers, all of them over seven figures, and further negotiations were in process.
Nicole sat quietly as the news of the court ruling was delivered, leaning her head on Dan’s shoulder. “Seems we’re headed for conflict whichever way we turn,” Dan said, lightly stroking her hair.
Trying to lighten the mood, Nicole snuggled up close. “You’re a legislator and a famous author, Mr. Rawlings. Do something.”
“I’ll do something all right,” he said, taking her face in his hands and kissing her boldly.
“Ummm, that’s not exactly the political solution I had in mind, Mr. Assemblyman, but it was innovative.” She laughed. “But really, what’s the legislature going to do? Surely they can’t sit by and just watch anymore.”
“They’ll, or maybe I should say, we’ll, be forced to openly declare either our support or opposition and take some official action. I have an appointment with the Speaker of the House tomorrow,” Dan said.
Nicole sat upright, suddenly interested in this development. “About what?”
“I don’t really know, but some of the other freshmen have been called in for introductions and committee assignments. I came in six months late in the special election, so I’m really the junior man on the totem pole. I’ll know tomorrow.”
“Well,” Nicole replied, playing with Dan’s ear, “As long as nothing can be accomplished tonight, what’s the rest of that action you were contemplating a moment ago?”
“I was trying to determine the flavor of this red stuff on your lips,” he replied, kissing her again, continuing their playfull mood. The kiss grew longer, deeper and more intense. In moments, they were aware that play time had ended. Nicole drew back a few inches, raising her eyes to meet Dan’s, the unspoken question foremost. Dan held her gaze for several seconds, then whispered her name and pulled her closer, kissing her more softly, his fingers working the buttons of her blouse.
* * *
Dan left Nicole’s apartment about five-thirty the following morning, beginning the ninety-minute drive to his condo in Davis. Nicole had roused before he left, but did not leave her room as he
prepared to depart. He returned and kissed her again, softly, and stroked her face as he left.
As he drove, Dan reflected on their growing relationship. They had both proceeded cautiously. Last night had been the first admission of the depth of their feelings. In the light of day, rapidly approaching from the east as he drove toward Sacramento, Dan wrestled with the wisdom of his action. Following their dinner date in San Francisco, he had waited three or four days before calling to invite her out again, and then after several dates, he had invited her to the Rumsey Almond Festival. Each time he had enjoyed their time together, but often had gone home feeling vaguely guilty about his growing attraction, thinking about Susan.
It had been more than two years since Susan’s death, and in that time, Dan had briefly dated a couple of other women. He had broken off with both of them because of a sense that he was somehow being untrue to Susan’s memory, though intellectually he knew that wasn’t the case. Susan would have wanted him to go on with his life. He knew that. If she were sitting next to him in the car at this very moment, and could advise him, she would urge him to move ahead. He knew that, but his hesitancy still surfaced. It was awkward being with other women because he tended to compare them to Susan, and no one—no one before Nicole—had come out very well in the comparison.
It had been different with Agent Nicole Bentley from the start. Perhaps, he had thought, it was because he first saw her in a professional, not personal, light. While he was with the fascinating FBI agent, Dan had been able to put his memories aside. Nicole was bright and witty—to say nothing of being very attractive. But what was most engaging about her was the way she concentrated on Dan whenever they were together. She had a way of looking at him that made it seem as though nothing else around them mattered. On their third date, Dan had picked up some tickets for a popular musical playing in San Francisco, and they planned to have dinner beforehand at an Italian restaurant on Fisherman’s Wharf. After meeting Nicole near the terminus of the cable car on Market Street, they rode the car through Chinatown to the docks.