5 'I had declared myself'
In the middle of November 1936 came a new development in the royal crisis in the form of a letter written to the King by Alec Hardinge, his Private Secretary. Edward found the letter waiting for him on Friday 13 November, when he returned from his visit to the Home Fleet at Portland. Written on Palace stationery, it gave an account of some facts 'which I know', said Hardinge, 'to be accurate'. He warned that although the majority of the population of Britain were still ignorant of his relationship with Wallis, the silence of the press would be broken in a matter of days. And judging by letters from British subjects living in foreign countries where the press had been outspoken, he added, 'the effect will be calamitous'.'
Years later, Helen Hardinge explained why her husband had decided to give such a warning to the King. She said that Geoffrey Dawson had shown him a very long letter he had received from the United States which deplored the publicity surrounding the King's friendship with Mrs Simpson. The letter had been sent on 15 October by a British man living in the USA who called himself 'Britannicus in Partibus Infidelium'. In the view of Britannicus, the prevailing opinion in America was that the foundations of the British monarchy were under threat and that 'its moral authority, its honour, and its tradition cast into the dustbin'. Nothing, he said, 'would please me more than to hear that Edward VIII had abdicated his rights in favour of the heir presumptive, who I am confident would be prepared to carry on in the sterling tradition established by his father.'2 In Dawson's view, this letter 'seemed to me to sum up opinion in America so well that it ought to be seen by others' - so he took it to Hardinge.3
Dawson asked Hardinge to show this letter to the King. It is surprising that either of these men regarded the Britannicus letter as being 'of historic importance', as Hardinge's wife claimed.4 For it took a view that was altogether different from most of the American press, which was mostly delighted about Edward's relationship with Wallis.' Dawson, as a top newspaperman, must surely have been aware of this. Over the next few weeks, indeed, as American interest in the story grew ever stronger, Edward was sent a number of supportive letters from the USA which were enthusiastic about Edward and Wallis and congratulated them on their love for each other. Their message was more one of good luck than of condemnation. A letter from Wisconsin sent 'best wishes to yourself and Mrs Simpson', adding that Edward was Britain's own Franklin Roosevelt.6 The President of a brewing company in Pennsylvania sent his congratulations 'on your clean and crystal clear romance'.7 'DO know one thing,' wrote a woman in New York City, 'that almost all the women of America are with YOU - and the women of America ARE America.'8 Some letters of censure also arrived, such as one from a British citizen living in the USA - another 'Britannicus'. If the King 'knew the attitude of the average American toward the average Britisher', he said, then he would not subject them to such embarrassment. 'Their attitude towards us', he explained, 'is really one of envy for our superior culture'.9
Having justified the urgency of the matter by reference to mail from America, Hardinge continued his letter to the King by saying that the Prime Minister and senior members of the Government were meeting to decide on action. The resignation of the Government, he warned, was a real possibility. Hardinge said he had reason to know that an alternative government was impossible, which would leave only one course - a dissolution of Parliament and a general election, fought over the issue of Mrs Simpson. The King was urged to send her away immediately:
If Your Majesty will permit me to say so, there is only one step which holds out any prospect of avoiding this dangerous situation, and that is for Mrs Simpson to go abroad without further delay, and I would beg Your Majesty to give this proposal your earnest consideration before the position has become irretrievable. Owing to the changing attitude of the Press, the matter has become one of great urgency.10
'What a courageous & forthright role Alex played', wrote Violet Milner, Hardinge's mother-in-law, in her diary some years later. 'It was he who "belled the cat".'11 But Edward was horrified. He felt betrayed by his Private Secretary, whose post required complete and mutual trust between himself and the king he served. A private secretary was not appointed by ministers and was not responsible to Parliament - he was a royal servant, not a civil servant.12 It was perfectly reasonable, said Edward later, for his Private Secretary to warn him that a Cabinet crisis was impending as the result of his relations with Mrs Simpson. But it was not reasonable for him to be acting on behalf of the Government, which was patently the case. Edward suspected that the only person who could have given Hardinge all his information was the Prime Minister, and this was acknowledged by Hardinge himself, years later, in an article for The Times."
Hardinge had shown a draft of his letter to Geoffrey Dawson. Knowing that this action laid him open to the accusation of conspiracy, Hardinge later justified it:
At this moment of anxiety and distress, I desperately needed an outside opinion as to the general wisdom and propriety of my letter, as well as its accuracy; and, as it seemed to me, no one could help me more over this than a man with the discretion, experience, and integrity of Geoffrey Dawson, who was at the same time very much 'in the know'.14
But this was disingenuous, to say the least. For Hardinge had been conspiring on the matter of this letter with various senior Ministers and civil service officials for nearly a week. On 7 November, Sir Warren Fisher, Permanent Under-Secretary at the Treasury and Head of the Civil Service, reported to Neville Chamberlain that Hardinge had come to see him that morning, 'very privately', with a suggestion which he thought was rather good. Fisher mentioned to Chamberlain an ultimatum that was under consideration - presumably by himself, Chamberlain, Baldwin and others - which would force the King's hand. But, he said, Hardinge had proposed an intermediate stage, rather than present the ultimatum straightaway.15 He had drafted a letter to the King, to be signed by Baldwin, which urged Edward to end his association with Mrs Simpson. The letter, which was copied to Chamberlain, warned of a 'very disturbing movement of public opinion' and a revulsion of feeling that might threaten the stability of the nation and of the Empire.16
As well as this draft letter, Fisher sent Chamberlain a copy of a letter, again drafted by Hardinge and to be signed by Baldwin, that was more forceful and was framed in such a way as to represent an ultimatum. If the King did not give up Mrs Simpson, it warned, then the Prime Minister and the Government would resign.17
Accompanying the two letters was a copy of a memorandum written by Parliamentary Counsel on 5 November which discussed the role of the sovereign's Ministers in giving advice. The ultimate sanction lying behind the tender of advice, explained the memorandum, was the resignation of the Ministers. 'But I assume', added the memorandum's author, 'that on an issue of such gravity they would have secured the concurrence of the leaders of the Opposition in the step which they were proposing to take, in which case the King would have no alternative Ministry on whom he could fall back for support.' The King would therefore be left with no Ministers at all, and 'since no English monarch could hope to govern this country even for a day as a dictator,' unless he had a very substantial body of public opinion behind him, he would be compelled either to accept the advice tendered 'or to abdicate'. If abdication were a possibility, added the memorandum, then 'there is an heir presumptive to the Throne . . . whose qualifications for the succession are not in doubt.'18
The letter which Hardinge handed to the King on 13 November - signed by himself, not by Baldwin - was a blend of the drafts written by himself and sent by Fisher to Chamberlain on 7 November. It had some of the informality of the first draft letter, but it contained the threat of the second, and was underpinned by the advice and information in the memorandum by Parliamentary Counsel. Clearly, therefore, the writing of Hardinge's letter was not a personal act by Hardinge himself, with some assistance from Dawson, but the outcome of a conspiracy of strategic thinking and planning. On the day that Hardinge presented his letter to the King, Baldwin had held an urge
nt meeting of senior Cabinet Ministers - Neville Chamberlain; Viscount Halifax, Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords; Sir John Simon; Walter Runciman; and Ramsay MacDonald, the Lord President. After the meeting, Baldwin went to see Hardinge.19 Presumably this was the moment when Hardinge was instructed to give the King a letter signed by himself, but which in effect had been written by a group of men who were all hostile to the King's position.
The conspirators carefully covered their tracks, for it appeared that Hardinge had decided himself to write to the King. Sir Horace Wilson lied about the background to the letter in a later account of the royal crisis: 'This letter was written by Major Hardinge on Friday 13th November. He brought it to the Prime Minister, enquiring whether Mr Baldwin saw any objection to his reference to possible action by Ministers. I was present. . .' Sir Horace went so far as to criticize Hardinge's letter, saying that it 'may very well have made the worst possible impression'.20 This cover-up was most likely arranged as a safeguard against any allegations that members of the royal household might have cooperated with the Government in dealing with the King. As Fisher had commented in the margin of his letter of 7 November to Chamberlain, 'Of course I assured Hardinge that he has not been in the picture.'21
Edward was shocked by Hardinge's letter, as well as hurt and angry, but he did not immediately tell Wallis what had happened. Always trying to protect her from worry, he was especially keen not to cause her any concern, as her aunt had arrived recently from Washington and they were enjoying a weekend together at the Fort. Wallis noticed that he was preoccupied and his manner abstracted. 'All the upwelling of joy that he had brought back from the Fleet', she observed, 'was gone . . . But he gave no hint or sign of what was troubling him.' The next day, he showed her the letter. She was stunned, realizing that the Government was preparing for a showdown with Edward. Her first reaction was to declare that she would indeed leave the country, as Hardinge had advocated - but Edward would have none of it. Instead, he told her that he was going to send for Baldwin the next day, to have it out with him. 'I'm going to tell him that if the country won't approve our marrying, I'm ready to go.'22
According to Wallis's own account, this was the first time that the possibility of him stepping down from the throne was mentioned between them. She was appalled, imploring him not even to talk of such a thing. But he was adamant that he would never give her up. Later, Wallis reproached herself for not leaving England at this time, 'the fateful moment - the last when any action of mine could have prevented the crisis'. But what kept her from going, she said later, was 'the fundamental inability of a woman to go against the urgent wishes of the man she loves.' Edward was determined that she stay. 'He insisted that he needed me,' wrote Wallis, 'and as a woman in love I was prepared to go through rivers of woe, seas of despair, and oceans of agony for him.'23 Friends said that Wallis and Edward 'acted like a couple in love who wanted to get married, and were plainly horrified by the momentous events this simple desire had set in motion . . . You couldn't help loving them for it, they were honestly so damn naive.'24 But a turning point had been reached. After receiving Hardinge's letter, the King withdrew further and further from court life, where tensions had reached an unbearable level. 'I knew nothing of what passed,' wrote Lambe, his equerry, 'but could not help feeling the anxiety and stress which daily grew over everyone.'25 In a postscript to his letter, Hardinge had added that he was going after dinner on the day of writing, 13 November, to shoot at High Wycombe; the Post Office, he said, would have his telephone number and 'I am of course entirely at Your Majesty's disposal if there is anything at all that you want.'26 But Edward did not respond either then, or at any time later, to Hardinge's offer of an open door. He left him in his post in Buckingham Palace, but eschewed any contact with him beyond what was absolutely necessary (such as the enforced proximity to Hardinge on the royal tour of South Wales, which must have been an ordeal). He now turned for advice and support to Walter Monckton, an outstanding lawyer who was not only Attorney-General to the Duchy of Cornwall, but was also a long-standing friend from his student days at Oxford.
Because Edward believed that Hardinge was reporting to Baldwin, he tried to conceal from him Monckton's visits to Buckingham Palace. Although their meetings were held in a room on the ground floor, to which there was direct access along a passage from the Privy Purse entrance, the King told Monckton not to use that entrance - because it would have brought him past the Private Secretaries' rooms. Instead, Monckton used the visitors' entrance on the other side of the Palace. Here he was shown into a lift, taken to the top floor, marched across the Palace, taken down again in another lift and at last shown into the King's room. The return journey was accomplished in the same manner. But the omniscient Hardinge was not fooled - and on one occasion a footman handed Monckton a note from Hardinge, inviting him to join him for a drink on his way out.27
If Edward felt he was being watched, he was right. In fact, both he and Wallis - and also Ernest - were being watched in a way, and to a degree, that would have astonished them had they found out. Since 1935 they had been under surveillance by the Special Branch of the Metropolitan Police. One brief report on Edward, when he was Prince of Wales, was made by Canning, the Superintendent in charge of Special Branch, to the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, Sir Philip Game, on 25 March 1935.28 A longer report by Canning was devoted to Ernest Simpson, sketching out his background and his business interests. It described the reserved and quiet Mr Simpson 'as of the "bounder" type. He makes no secret of his wife's association with P.O.W. and seems to enjoy some reflected glory because of this and to make what capital he can out of it.'29 This contradicts Ernest's own claim, made two years later, that once he became aware that his wife was associating very frequently with the Prince of Wales, he talked to her about it. He warned her that comments in the American press might affect his business and would certainly affect him socially. He told her, he said, 'that she was going too far, but she made evasive answers and said that the matter must take its course.'30
The Special Branch report on Ernest Simpson adds that one of the visitors to the Simpsons' flat was Lady Emerald Cunard, who is 'reputed to be a drug addict' and who is 'the mother of the notorious Nancy Cunard who is very partial to coloured men and who created a sensation some few years ago by taking up residence in the negro quarter of New York.' The racist attitudes of Superintendent Canning - and the rumour-driven nature of his reports - are further revealed in the last sentence of the report - 'The Simpsons are regarded in some circles as Jews.'31
According to Canning, Mrs Simpson 'is the woman who is now associated with P.O.W. She is reputed to be very attractive and to spend lavishly on dress and entertainment.' Within the last few weeks, it stated, she had visited an antique shop in Kensington 'in company with P.O.W.':
The conversation showed that they were on very affectionate terms and addressed each other as 'Darling'. A number of purchases were made and orders given for the goods to be sent to York House and marked 'Fort Belvedere'. The opinion of the dealer expressed after his distinguished client had left was that the lady seemed to have P.O.W. completely under her thumb.
Although 'she now spends a great deal of time with P.O.W.', added the Superintendent, 'it is said that she has another secret lover who is kept by her. Particulars of the young man concerned could not be ascertained.''2
In a further report, dated 25 June 193 5, the Superintendent told the Commissioner that he was still unable to produce these particulars, although 'Contact with the Simpsons is still being maintained.' Mrs Simpson was described as 'spending as much time as possible with P.O.W. and keeping her secret lover in the background'. Ernest Simpson was said to be 'bragging to the effect that he expects to get "high honours" before very long. He says that P.O.W. will succeed his father at no distant date. He has mentioned that he expects, at least, to be created a Baron. He is very talkative when in drink.'33
The 'secret lover' was finally identified by Superintendent Cannin
g and named in a report to the Commissioner dated 3 July 1935. He was Guy Marcus Trundle, 'a very charming adventurer, very good looking, well bred and an excellent dancer. He is said to boast that every woman falls for him.' Evidently, he had also boasted about his conquest of the woman who was associated with the Prince of Wales: 'He meets Mrs Simpson quite openly at informal social gatherings as a personal friend, but secret meetings are made by appointment when intimate relations take place. Trundle receives money from Mrs Simpson as well as expensive presents.' Trundle had married in 1932 and was a 'motor engineer and salesman . . . said to be employed by the Ford Motor Company'. It appears that this information largely came from Trundle himself - 'Trundle claims to have met P.O.W. through Mrs Simpson.'14
It is hard to believe that Wallis Simpson could have found time for 'intimate relations' with Trundle. She found it difficult enough, as she told her aunt, to manage her marriage and the relationship with Edward, and was also caught up in a whirlwind of activities and social occasions which she found exhausting. The reports are so thin as to be suspect - they lack any information about the many eminent guests visiting Bryanston Court. As the head porter noted, 'the Mount- battens and other distinguished visitors came as guests when Mrs Simpson gave parties .. . many titled visitors attended Mrs Simpson's parties.'15
Canning, now promoted to Chief Constable in charge of the Criminal Investigation Department, continued to file reports to the Commissioner. One of them, dated 30 June 1936, refers to a speech given by Harry Pollitt, the leader of the Communist Party of Great Britain, at the Leeds Peace Congress in which 'he was said to have brought the house down with his declaration that "if gas masks are to be given out we should demand the same kind of gas mask for our wives as will be given to the Duchess of Kent and Mrs Simpson".' A trip to France by Wallis and an American friend, Mrs Gladys Kemp Scanlon, was also mentioned in the report:
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