There was a broad spectrum of support for the King: from Conservatives who feared that he was being pressed unreasonably, to left- wingers such as Harry Pollitt, Secretary of the Communist Party of Great Britain, who admired his principles. 'The spectacle of the National Government laying down a code of morals and behaviour for the King', said Pollitt, 'is indeed a sight. . . there is no crisis in all this business for the working class. Let the King marry whom he likes. That is his personal business.'54 The Communist politician Walter Newbold wrote a letter of support to Churchill on 6 December - 'Count me all in once more with yourself in the line you are taking in respect of the King.' The sooner 'the old gang' were debunked, he added, the better.55
One problematic source of support for the King was Sir Oswald Mosley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists (BUF). At a large meeting on Friday 4 December held in London's East End, Mosley asserted the King's right to marry whom he wished. The next day, the BUF published a special four-page newspaper entitled Crisis: the two inside pages covered Sir Oswald's speech and the meeting, while the front page showed the King against a background of the derelict pits of South Wales.56 Mosley believed that the line of division between those who supported the King and those who did not was 'broadly the line dividing the younger from the older generation'. However, the organizer of the BUF's northern campaign, who received reports on scores of meetings, came to a different conclusion. It was his view that the middle class, particularly the lower middle class, abhorred the marriage, while the working class was solidly for the King." Anthony Heap was a Londoner who admired Fascism and belonged to the BUF. He wrote in his diary that he did not share Mosley's enthusiasm for the King. 'The Cabinet rightly opposes the scandalous match,' he opined,
for it would not only make the King appear cheap and contemptuous in the eyes of the whole country but depress our trade and lower the country's prestige enormously as far as the rest of the world is concerned. In fact he's made a complete utter fool of himself.
If Edward had a grain of sense, he added, he would have kept Mrs Simpson as his mistress 'without all this fuss (in which case no one would have known anything about it and not cared two hoots if they did).'58
An organization called Social Credit Reformers, which regarded itself as a worldwide movement, with a base at the London Social Credit Club in Westminster, and believed that the Establishment was controlled by the banks and international financiers, was adamantly behind the King. They hoped he would assume the role of popular champion against vested interests.59 They launched an Empire-wide campaign in which similarly worded telegrams-'Present humble duty and standing for your Majesty's freedom of choice fervently desire you retain crown"'0 - were sent to the King from Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa, as well as different parts of Britain.61 On one such telegram from Sydney, someone at the Palace pencilled the following comment: 'The Social Creditors all over the Empire have evidently been given the word to support HM.'62 A mass meeting of support was held in London's Hyde Park.
Lady Houston, the eccentric right-wing editor of the Saturday Review, believed that Baldwin was acting on instructions from Moscow. Her journal, with its covers of red, white and blue, emblazoned with the Union Jack, pressed her support for the King. 'The dislike of certain persons for divorce', it said, 'is fully recognized and respected and understood.' But did this mean, it asked, that the entire Empire should give up 'a splendid and hard-working King? For the King is being asked to pay the price of abdication for his desire to lead a happy married life. We have to ask, "What would be the price, for his people, of the King's abdication?'"63 The Catholic Times, to many people's surprise, declared that the whole business was a ramp against the King and that financiers were using a moral issue to force an artificial crisis. 'We are for the King', declared the paper. 'We are against the financial and political powers which are forcing King Edward from the throne.' The Tablet, another Catholic newspaper, said that if the King were to renounce Mrs Simpson, 'he is entitled to expect in return more recognition than is now extended to his right to an initiative in the government of the country'. Referring to this suggestion, the Anglican Church Times commented that 'Here is one more striking example of the growing Roman Catholic opposition to democracy'.64
But these were scattered demonstrations of loyalty. All they had in common was a desire to back the King - not a wish to cooperate to form any kind of King's Party. There was no centre, apart from the small group of men who stayed with the King in the stronghold of Fort Belvedere. 'It so happens', wrote Major Ulick Alexander, Edward's Keeper of the Privy Purse, three decades later, 'that I am the only survivor of the small staff of three that resided at Fort Belvedere during the last 10 days of the crisis.' Major Alexander was a man of high ability, great courage in the war (during which his health had been impaired by the heavy fighting of 1914) and complete loyalty to King Edward. The other two, explained Alexander, were Monckton and George Allen, the King's solicitor:
Moreover, Churchill never had any intention of leading a popular movement of any sort. 'There was no party of King's friends', claimed the journalists Owen and Thompson. 'There was only a party of King's enemies. They held the superior power in the press, the parliament and the pulpit, a mighty "3-P. Alliance".'66 Rumours of a King's Party were fed by the emotions of the moment, which often had little to do with the King himself. Since Lord Londonderry was bitterly angry at Baldwin for removing him from the position of Secretary of State for Air, it was feared that he might throw his weight behind Churchill. A friend of the Londonderrys expressed the hope that 'Charley would not do anything foolish.' He need not have worried, wrote the biographer of the Londonderry family, since Londonderry 'felt as everybody else did .. ,'67
But if Edward himself had wanted a King's Party, could he have organized one? Many people felt that Baldwin had treated him unfairly. A Sheffield churchwoman who was married to a surgeon objected to the 'bullying dictatorial hectoring by Baldwin and his friends' and said that most people would welcome Mrs Simpson as their queen. 'At a big dinner-party and at a luncheon party during the last few days we all stood and drank to the King and Mrs Simpson.'68 There was widespread sympathy for Edward's love of Wallis. 'Here is a fellow of my own age, evidently going to give up a throne. The Kingship of the greatest Empire the world has ever known', observed the draper in Belfast who had been shocked by Bishop Blunt's comment on Edward's religious behaviour. As a homosexual who risked imprisonment simply because of his sexual choice, the draper felt keenly and bitterly aware of the need to experience love in an open way. 'Supposing', he wrote in his diary,
I met a boy I loved, and of whose love I was assured, I would give up all - even the promise of Eternal Life wouldn't tempt me so I suppose that the King is in that position - so I cannot blame him if he gives up this throne - I only hope the woman will appreciate what it all means.69
But more than anything, Edward was admired and appreciated for his concern for ordinary people. This was seen to make everything else irrelevant - especially the status of his beloved, marital or otherwise. A man in the poverty-stricken region of Sunderland, who said he had been in and out of prison all his life and had just been released, urged him to marry Mrs Simpson: 'She is worth fighting for. I am only one of millions of working trod downed class [sic] who wish you every happiness with this Lady.'70 From 'A Loyal Cottage. England' came the message I am only of the "poor" class, but working with that class I can say with honest truth that the people are with you to the ends of the earth if needs be. Please fight the Cabinet for your rights. - Parliament, I am certain, will stand by you.'71
At this very moment, while Edward was suffering the agony of his dilemma, the problem of the unemployed was receiving attention in the House of Commons. The Liberal MP Megan Lloyd George, who was the younger daughter of David Lloyd George and a fierce fighter for the underdog, challenged the Government: if they really weren't going to do anything for the distressed areas, they should say so - 'because I think that to rai
se the hopes of these people once again, or to trifle with them in any way, would be quite unpardonable.' She pleaded with the Government
not to delay any policy which they may have in mind, but to bring it forward. 1 would like to see it brought forward before Christmas, and I feel that most Members of the House would gladly sit for the longer time that might be needed, because postponement to the New Year really means that these people will have to go through another winter without any relief at all.72
Megan Lloyd George's warning was the same as the one that had emerged from the King's visit to Wales just weeks before - that something must be done.
It was not just the poor and the working class who remained loyal to the King. A prominent member of the Norfolk gentry sent a telegram to Edward on 7 December pointing out that 'England has had two Prince Consorts neither was crowned. Why not a princess consort a duchess consort or simply consort. Even an archbishop's wife does not share title. Plenty of precedents for altering the succession. Don't be bounced.'7' A group of upper-class young women, who described themselves as 'sub debutantes' and were studying in Paris, sent a telegram of Move and support'.74 Above all, Edward had the support of many of his generation. 'Particularly those from 50 downwards . . . We all pray that if you are forced to abdicate, you will allow us to support your Majesty as Ruler, perhaps Dictator, of a nation', urged a journalist in London. 5
There were grounds, believed Edward, to assume that if he so wished he would be able to convert his popularity into something more forceful - to topple Baldwin and to protect his position as monarch. 'Had I made a move', he wrote in his memoirs, years later,
to encourage the growth of this movement, it might have grown. If I had made an appeal to the public I might have persuaded a majority, and a large majority at that. I shall go further and say that had I remained passive while my friends acted the result might well have been the same. For there is no want of evidence that a multitude of the plain people stood waiting to be rallied to my side.76
It is not known whether or not Edward read the thousands of letters and telegrams of support that were sent during these days of crisis, though it is unlikely. But had he seen them he would have been in no doubt that many 'plain people' supported his wish to marry Wallis and to stay on the throne. As well as letters and telegrams, there came petitions - from streets, households, shops and organizations all over the country.
One of the ideas frequently put forward in this correspondence was for a plebiscite - a direct vote by the whole of the electorate, on the specific issue of Edward's wish to marry Wallis. This proposal was sent from overseas, as well as from within Britain. ''Vox Populi, Vox Dei - the Voice of the People is the Voice of God', urged a telegram to the King from Finland. It added, 'Please arrange plebiscite.'" 'I am certain of this, if a plebiscite is practical and were taken,' said one letter, then '99 out of every 100 voting from among all the British Nations would see that the marriage is honourable, just as you think so - and would gladly agree - that the lady be Your Queen.'78 One woman urged the King to 'take a vote of the people - The nation wants you, no one else, the nation needs you, & the nation (the people) is with you, & you have their full sympathy and love.'79 Some thought that a plebiscite should be held for all the people in the Empire. The sovereign power in the country, said one man, lay not in the Cabinet but in the whole of the Empire - 'Might I respectfully suggest that the question of your marriage should be referred direct to the people . . . A direct ballot of the people should be taken. The ballot could be of the peoples of the whole Empire. Australia has already the referendum and in its case it would be almost routine.'80
Many of Edward's subjects advocated governmental change, through a general election that would jettison the Prime Minister. Baldwin's effort to prevent the King marrying Wallis, and possibly bouncing him into abdication, was seen by some to be consistent with his poor record on foreign relations. 'I think that millions of people besides myself', one man wrote to Churchill, 'must in their inmost minds have been saying for a long time past "Will no one ever rid us of this man?"' There were some in the Cabinet, he added,
whom individually I approve very highly, including Mr Duff Cooper . . . but the actual deeds of Mr Baldwin's government in relation to foreign affairs frequently cause me to writhe and groan in impotent anger. Soon, I image, we shall be buying off the hostility of the truculent dictators of Europe by the barter of our possessions .. ,81
Many people wanted an alternative to the present Government. A letter signed 'Public opinion' urged, 'Call the Cabinet's bluff & let there be an Election if necessary. You'll win! The Church have enough to say NOW - as regards unemployment etc they have nothing to say! . . . You offended by being frank after Your visit to Wales’82 'Your Majesty has only to force a General Election to gain your point,' said another letter, 'as the people are with you in every way. We do not want the Duke of York or any other substitute.'83 From Nottingham came the suggestion that 'a People's Party with yourself at its head would be acceptable to all.'84
'The Country is rising on your behalf. All that we need is Time', wrote a Londoner. 'Do not permit Yourself to be hurried into an irrevocable act. With a few days' delay it will become evident that a Government can be formed to carry out the will both of Your Majesty and of the Country.'85 The election should be fought, said one letter, on the right of the King to choose his own wife - 'the slogan would be "We want Edward VIII. Not Baldwin.'"86 A man in Brighton asked, 'Should Your Majesty's Government resign, why not a Royal dictatorship? I am ready to fight the issue at an Election on your behalf and instructions.'8' Some people believed that a King's Party would be able to eliminate the problem of long-term unemployment. 'Undoubtedly there is a strong group most anxious to secure the King's abdication,' said one man. 'Things he said on his visit to South Wales were a tacit rebuke to the Government, and I thought a conflict would come some day.' A new government, he added, 'would represent a new People's Party which would have to be rapidly organised, especially in the distressed areas, and amongst intellectuals who are sick of party politics.' The country should be run, he said, by those who had already demonstrated their ability to deal with social problems - 'Why not put in Malcolm Stewart and a dozen others who are anxious to get on with the job to actually do it without more talk?'88
A railwayman from London assured the King that if it came to a choice between him and Parliament, 'the bulk of the people of this country would support yourself . . . The present Prime Minister is, from his own lips, a trickster, the church stands for nearly all that is opposed to real Christianity.'89 Winston Churchill was regarded by some as the best man to organize such an election campaign. A woman working at Elstree Studios, who said she was speaking for friends and associates in the film industry, asked him to act on their behalf. 'I know very little about Parliamentary procedure,' she said,
but isn't it possible for you to approach the King offering to form a Cabinet which will treat the situation on these lines, and put the whole matter to the country? Apart from the domestic crisis, your Freedom and Peace programme would surely win you support from large numbers of Conservatives and Socialists all over the country, who are by now heartily sick of Baldwin and his methods of misgovernment. . .90
Some of the King's supporters wanted to take up arms for him. A man in Hove told Edward that he had spoken to some people about Edward - I said you were the PEOPLE'S KING. That the crowd loved you; that you were democratic; that forms and ceremonies were nothing; that LOVE rules the world, or SHOULD rule. Good luck! good health! And God bless you. I'll die for you if necessary. '9I 'Every ex-service man,' wrote another supporter, 'is behind you, and will obey your orders in Liverpool. We want you to lead, take charge of everything, regarding you, and our Empire. Remember Sire there are 2,000,000 of men willing to die for the first gentleman in the world (Yourself).'92 And from Durham, a former Lieutenant of the Durham Light Infantry asked the King never to forget 'that there are thousands of men in this country today, who had the
honour to serve with you in France, & who will uphold, with their lives if necessary, Your Majesty's desires as opposed to convention, as they welcomed your flaunting of convention in the war years.'91
Not only were the ex-servicemen behind the King, thought some, but active servicemen too. A composer assured the King that
You Sire have got the Navy and the Army behind you - and the masses - it's the masses that matter. Come out and show yourself to your people. We WONT LET YOU DOWN. We want YOU - YOU - and always YOU . .. What you[r] private life is doesn't matter a damn to us - but come out in the open - you'll find we'll go to Hell cheerfully - if you ask us to . . . Come out into the open and let us see you.94
Many of the public pressed the King to show himself, to generate support. 'And come up & show yourself to the people who remember the distressed areas', encouraged one man. 'Come to London.'95 'Why not shew on the Balcony at Buckingham when the Crowd shouts "He's a Jolly Good Fellow"?' asked another.96
Sunday 6 December was cold, with a biting wind. Baldwin told a meeting of senior Ministers in the morning that 'This matter must be finished before Christmas.' Chamberlain argued that to wait even that long (less than three weeks) was unacceptable, as the Christmas trade was being damaged.9 This was true. 'Those of us who were authors of recent novels', wrote Vera Brittain in her autobiographical story, Testament of Experience, 'soon realised that national tension had killed the Christmas market in the fortnight when book sales normally reach their peak.' One of the biggest British booksellers, she added, which sold an average of a thousand books a day, found itself reduced to fifty a day during this period. Her novel Honourable Estate, which had come out earlier that year, joined 'the many minor victims' of this period.98 Noting that there were '374 less customers in today!', a saleswoman in a London department store regretted a 'desperate day's trade partly the weather partly the King.'99
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