by Alison Weir
Parliament met at Salisbury on 16 October.96 Fearing that Lancaster would arrive at the head of an army intent on declaring war, Isabella had sent the King and Queen to the safety of her castle at Marlborough, instructing Chancellor Burghersh to open Parliament in the King’s name.97 In the event, Lancaster and his allies stayed away and sent transparent excuses for their absence, which were not accepted. But the situation still looked ugly, and on the opening day, Mortimer came to Parliament at the head of his own forces, silencing the protests of the bishops by forbidding them, on peril of life and limb, to oppose his interests.
Presently, Stratford, Lancaster’s spokesman, arrived and announced that the Earl was refusing to attend because of his fear of Mortimer, whom he had no reason to trust and who had made peace with the Scots with the intent of destroying him. Whereupon Mortimer hotly defended himself and swore on Archbishop Meopham’s crucifix that he intended no harm to Lancaster. The bishops then sent a message inviting Lancaster to come to Parliament, and Isabella made the King send a private note to the Earl, personally guaranteeing his safety and saying that he was welcome but that Henry de Beaumont was not. Never again did she want to have anything to do with Beaumont.
Lancaster still would not come to Salisbury. He sent the bishops a message stating that he was acting not in his own interests but in those of the King, the realm, and the Church. Then, according to the official records, he reiterated the demands that Wake and Stratford had listed at the Guildhall. The Brut claims that he also accused Isabella and Mortimer of removing Edward II from his custody at Kenilworth, “without consent of any Parliament,” and placing him in Berkeley Castle, where “none of his kindred could see or speak to him, and afterwards they had traitorously murdered him.”98 That Lancaster made such accusations is unlikely, because no other source refers to his making such momentous charges, and if he had made them publicly, it would surely have caused a sensation and been commented on elsewhere. If Lancaster believed that Edward had been murdered, why wait until now to bring it up? After all, it was more than a year since Edward II’s death had been announced, no new evidence is known to have emerged, and Lancaster was certainly not privy to Mortimer’s actions at Abergavenny in September 1327. The story in The Brut is probably propaganda calculated to discredit Mortimer and Isabella. This ties in with the theory that the red-hot-spit tale, which apparently emerged at this time in the Lancastrian heartlands of the North, and was soon afterward recounted in this same chronicle, was also Lancastrian propaganda, put about to justify an uprising against the government that could, given that Isabella and Mortimer had control of the King, be construed as treason.
It is also significant that Lancaster made no complaint about the private relationship between the Queen and Mortimer, a scandal out of which he could have made immense political capital. The chroniclers, too, as has been noted, are very reticent about this matter, although they say enough to confirm the sexual nature of the relationship. In fact, there is so little criticism of the affair in contemporary sources that we must conclude that, far from being notorious, as many historians claim, it was conducted with the utmost discretion, so that few outsiders could have guessed what was going on. Isabella was no fool; she knew her enemies were waiting to pounce and gave them no grounds for accusing her of immorality.
In his message, Lancaster concluded that he was willing to come to Parliament if the King would permit him to bring an armed retinue to protect him from those persons “who are notoriously anxious to do me wrong.”99
While these demands were being considered, Stratford did his best to enlist the support of the bishops, inviting them to his own lodgings to discuss the matter, but Mortimer found out and sent armed men to break up the meeting. Prudently, Stratford hastened from Salisbury and, on receiving a warning that Mortimer was plotting to murder him, sought sanctuary with the nuns at Wilton Abbey.100
Carefully briefed by his mother, Edward III wrote a letter in response to Lancaster’s demands. He protested that he could not live “of his own” because the present crisis had drained his resources, “but if any man knew how to make the King richer, it would give the King and his advisers great satisfaction.” As for the Queen’s living off her own revenues, that was a matter between the King and his mother, and no one else. If Lancaster had been apparently sidelined, that was his own fault for failing to attend council meetings; in his absence, the King, quite properly, had taken counsel of the other magnates, an allusion no doubt to Mortimer. As for law and order, the King had done his best to maintain it. And although there was no precedent, he would grant Lancaster a safe-conduct to attend Parliament. However, the Queen and the lords had stipulated that this be conditional upon Lancaster’s being prepared to prove, if need be, that it was in accordance with Magna Carta.101 The obvious downside of this was that, if a safe-conduct was issued, and Lancaster failed to attend Parliament, it would offer him no protection from prosecution in any other circumstances, and when Lancaster read the King’s letter, he decided he would stay away from Parliament rather than risk being arrested for inciting rebellion or abetting Holland’s murderers.
Both Isabella and Lancaster had parties of supporters in London, and on 28 October, the citizens elected a neutral Mayor, John de Grantham, to replace Chigwell, who had shown himself such an enemy to Isabella and Mortimer.
On the closing day of Parliament, 31 October, Edward III created his brother John Earl of Cornwall; that county, however, would remain under their mother’s control. Next, “by the procuration of the Queen,” the King raised Mortimer to the highest echelon of the peerage as Earl of March, a new creation, and himself buckled on the belt and spurs of nobility.102 “Such a title had never before been heard of in England,” wrote one chronicler, but Mortimer evidently intended it to reflect his supremacy in the Welsh Marches and also perhaps his dynastic connections with the Lusignans, who were Counts of La Marche in France.103
The raising of Mortimer to the dignity of an earldom proved too much for many to stomach, especially Lancaster, who immediately marched on Winchester. The new Earl was hated enough as it was for his ruthless ambition and as the architect of the shameful peace of Northampton, and that hatred now also extended to Isabella. Furthermore, Mortimer’s title had an ominous ring to it, for it was only two years since the removal of another royal favorite who had carved out for himself a Welsh principality on the scale of Mortimer’s.
Mortimer’s ennoblement made him more arrogant and insufferable than ever. He began to conduct himself like a king, bearing himself so haughtily, it was said, that he was a wonder to watch. On 6 October, Isabella, in the King’s name, had granted him permission to travel with an armed retinue, and everywhere he went now, he was accompanied by 180 “wild” Welsh men-at-arms, to protect him and doubtless to intimidate his enemies; later, there were complaints that no woman was safe from them. On an income of £8,000 a year, Mortimer lived in sybaritic luxury, sleeping in silken sheets and wearing “wondrously rich” clothes of costly satin and velvet. The inventory of his goods drawn up after his death records lavish furnishings, exquisite fabrics and embroideries, rare carpets, fine armor, and vessels of silver and gilt.104 Isabella doubtless appreciated such expensive taste.
She must have been aware of her lover’s self-aggrandizement, but she apparently did nothing to counteract it. All the evidence suggests that love, infatuation, or lust blinded her to Mortimer’s baser characteristics. There can be no doubt that both were of a rapacious nature, but it must be said that both had known adversity and penury and were determined to retain their hold on power for as long as possible so that they might continue to enjoy the privileges it brought them. Isabella would have been horrified at the prospect of her son’s loyalty being subverted by Lancaster and his allies and must have privately feared that, if they got the King into their clutches, she stood to lose her child, her power, and her lover at a stroke. With such a threat hanging over her, Mortimer’s arrogance bespoke strength and authority, and she was incre
asingly coming to rely on him as her champion against these hostile forces. From this time forward, it appears that Mortimer was the dominant partner in their relationship, both politically and privately. Isabella’s growing tendency to devolve power upon him undoubtedly helped to foster his arrogance.
Parliament adjourned on 1 November, intending to reassemble at Westminster.105 But Lancaster had occupied Winchester, through which the court meant to pass on its way back to the capital, so the sheriff of Southampton was sent to negotiate and, after warning the Lancastrians that they risked being charged with treason for rising against the King, secured Lancaster’s withdrawal.
Meanwhile, Isabella and Mortimer had ridden to Marlborough, where Mortimer insisted that Edward III accompany him to Winchester, so that he could confront Lancaster in the name of the King and then accuse him of treason if he refused to lay down his arms. Isabella warned Edward that Lancaster, Kent, and Norfolk were bent on dethroning him, whereupon Edward agreed to go with them on condition that Philippa could accompany him, to which Mortimer and the Queen agreed. But when they arrived at Winchester on 3 November, the Lancastrians were already riding out of the city.106
Two days later, Lancaster wrote to inform the new Mayor of London of what had happened at Winchester, claiming that Parliament had been suspended before he could get a fair hearing and complaining that his powers as the King’s guardian had been infringed. Curiously, he added that Kent had told him of certain matters in confidence, but that he could not commit them to paper and had instructed the bearer to impart this information by word of mouth. He concluded by saying that Kent and some of the bishops had advised him to retire to his estates for the present.107
So what had Kent told Lancaster? Some historians think that he had somehow found out or guessed that Edward II was still alive.108 But this is unlikely. Had Lancaster learned of Edward’s survival, he would surely have acted upon this information or at least exploited it for political purposes to justify his rebellion. But Lancaster never again mentioned this matter. Furthermore, there were no repercussions from Kent’s revelations, and the subject apparently never surfaced again.
Whatever it was, it was a sensitive issue, and it might have concerned the sexual relationship between Isabella and Mortimer, about which Kent, who had been in France when it began, could probably have revealed a great deal. Mindful of the effect on the young King, and aware that a scandal such as this would prejudice any claim that Edward might make to the French throne, Lancaster probably preferred to keep this matter confidential while at the same time wishing the Londoners to know what kind of people they were dealing with. Whatever the matter was, the Mayor was perhaps too fearful of a royal backlash to repeat what he had heard, nor would he have wished to provoke the displeasure of the King.
The court left Winchester for London on 7 November. The next day, the Mayor, anxious not to appear too partisan, wrote to Edward III, thanking him for holding the next Parliament in London and begging him not to credit rumors that the City was disloyal to him.109
After lodging at Wallingford, where Isabella, responding to Lancaster’s criticisms, instructed the sheriffs to send the King lists of all those who had infringed the Statute of Northampton,110 the King and his retinue moved to Windsor by 14 November.111
Mindful of the imminent arrival of the Queen in London, Mayor Grantham wrote to the King on 18 November, disclaiming any responsibility for those Londoners who had joined Lancaster.112 The King and his mother arrived in London on 21 November113 and stayed for nearly two weeks. During this time, Lancaster sent two messengers to Isabella in an attempt to reach a settlement, asking to have their differences debated at a full meeting of the council. But she replied that he had offended the King and that nothing but his submission would suffice.114
Mortimer had deemed it wise to remain in the background at this time and did not join Isabella at Westminster until 25 November.115 However, when he did appear in the City, he was warmly received, for he still enjoyed great popularity with many Londoners.116 While the royal party was at Westminster, the envoys of Philip VI arrived to demand that Edward III pay homage for his continental possessions, as was customary when a new king ascended the French throne.
But Isabella was having none of it. “My son, who is the son of a king, will never do homage to the son of a count,” she declared fiercely. Hearing of this, Philip VI retaliated by seizing the revenues of Gascony, and the alarmed English magnates counseled the Queen to be prudent.117 She had enough to worry about without inviting a war with France.
Kent and Norfolk were now emerging as the most extreme of Lancaster’s allies. In December, they dared to issue a circular letter to the magnates and bishops, complaining that the King had violated Magna Carta and his coronation oath and urging them to meet at Saint Paul’s to debate what should be done about it. The real target of their complaint was clear, as several, including Bishop Hethe, ignored the letter,118 but others, including Stratford, Wake, and Archbishop Meopham, whose election Isabella had opposed, went to meet with the royal Earls.119
On 2 December, Isabella, Mortimer, and the King left London for Gloucester. They arrived there on the tenth, immediately began to raise more soldiers, and departed on the twentieth.120 On 15 December, Mortimer made one of his very few endowments to religious foundations, to Leintwardine Church, providing for nine chaplains who were to say Mass daily for the souls of the King and Queen, Queen Isabella, and Lady Mortimer, among others.121 Presumably, the chaplains did not find it strange to be praying for Mortimer’s mistress as well as his wife.
Word of Kent’s circular letter had soon reached the Queen, and to counteract its effects, she made the King write on 16 December to the City of London, begging for aid against his enemies and giving a full, but somewhat biased, account of the conflict with Lancaster.122
The Archbishops of Canterbury and York were both sympathetic toward Lancaster, and on 18 December, Archbishop Meopham dared to preach against Edward III at Saint Paul’s Cathedral. The next day, the disaffected lords met there and began lengthy discussions as to how next to proceed.123
On 21 December, the King’s letter arrived in London and was read out at the Guildhall. Some Lancastrians were present and, realizing that public opinion was veering away from them, protested that Lancaster could not respond without taking counsel of his friends. But the citizens reacted by proclaiming their loyalty to the King and urged that neither side take up arms until the matter could be debated in Parliament,124 a plea that both parties ignored.125
On 23 December, Meopham sent a brisk letter to King Edward, threatening Isabella and Mortimer and anyone else of their party who disturbed the peace, apart from the young King and Queen, with excommunication.126 It was this offensive letter, together with rumors that Lancaster was marching on London, that precipitated civil war.
On 29 December, Mortimer was with the King at Worcester, leading their army toward Warwick with the intention of attacking Lancaster’s lands in his absence. While they were at Worcester, Edward III declared war on Lancaster but offered an amnesty to all who submitted to him before he reached Leicester.127 The next day, the royal army arrived at Warwick. It left on 1 January 1329 for Lancaster’s stronghold at Kenilworth, to which the King was refused access by the garrison, an unforgivable act of lèse-majesté.
That day, Lancaster arrived in London. Within twenty-four hours, six hundred men had flocked to his banner, and it appeared that he was at the center of a powerful confederacy, which had resolved to seize the King and impeach Mortimer and Isabella for concluding the “shameful peace” with Scotland.128
Mortimer and the King marched through Coventry on 2 January, and by the sixth, Mortimer had gone ahead, ravaged Lancaster’s lands, and seized his town of Leicester. That day, the King arrived with Queen Isabella to take possession of it.129 They left Leicester on 11 January and were in Bedford on the twelfth. Lancaster was marching north to confront them there when he learned to his dismay that further opposition was futi
le.130
The taking of Leicester by the King’s forces had proved a powerful deterrent, driving Lancaster’s allies to abandon him. When Kent and Norfolk deserted him and made their submission to the King, he knew that his cause was lost and that he must make his peace with Edward and, more pertinently, with Isabella and Mortimer.131 Another reason for this decision may have been the realization that he was slowly going blind.
At Bedford, Lancaster dismounted; knelt on the ground before the King, Isabella, Mortimer, and their entire army; and surrendered, swearing on the Gospels that he would in future do nothing to harm “our Lord the King, my ladies the Queens, nor any great or small of the council.”132 Thanks to the mediation of Archbishop Meopham, his life was spared and he was left at liberty, but he was ordered to pay a fine equivalent to the value of half his lands and was stripped of all his offices save that of Seneschal of England. Effectively, Mortimer and Isabella had crushed him, and while they remained in power, he would play only a minor role in public affairs.
The court left Bedford on 21 January and went to Woburn Abbey, whence Edward sent an order to the Mayor of London and leading citizens to meet with him at Saint Albans on 23 January. Here, for the next three days, the City’s representatives were locked in talks with the Queen and the council, Mortimer then being absent.133 Significantly, Richard de Béthune and John de Gisors, who had helped Mortimer escape from the Tower, were among the delegates. On 28 January, the London deputation arrived back at the Guildhall, where they proclaimed the King’s commission to deal with breaches of the peace and to search out and punish Lancaster’s followers. The commissioners began their investigations the following day.134