15.
On Hilger’s relationship with Bohlen and the Office of National Estimates, see Bohlen, op. cit, p. 292; and Meyer interview. See also Church Committee Report, Book IV, pp. 18–19 re: early days of Office of National Estimates and its role.
16.
Kennan correspondence, August 12, 1982; see also “Help for Nazis Held Not Unusual,” New York Times, February 20, 1983.
17.
For “stigma” comment: Meyer interview, December 30, 1983; see Hilger and Meyer, op. cit., pp. viii-ix for data on “generous grant.” Kennan’s role in obtaining Hilger’s security clearance is found in Hilger’s U.S. Army INSCOM file no. 84066.3224, also numbered as INSCOM dossier XE 001780 D 20A042 (secret), Document 15, 51–52. A number of records implicating Hilger in crimes against humanity had, in fact, been introduced as evidence in war crimes trials at Nuremberg, though there is no indication that they were reviewed prior to Hilger’s being granted a security clearance; see, for example, Nuremberg evidence documents NG 2594 and NG 5026, noted above.
18.
On Hilberg’s protest and 1962 incident with Charles Allen, see Allen, op. cit. Hilger’s death: Letter to author from Christoph Brummer, press counselor, Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany, September 4, 1984.
19.
Poppe, op. cit., pp. 163–64.
20.
Ibid., pp. 165–66. On the Judeo-Tats, see also Rudolph Lowenthal, “The Judeo-Tats of the Caucasus,” Historia Judaica, vol. XIV (1952), p. 61ff.
21.
For a surviving example of a Wannsee study, see Wannsee Institute, op. cit. On activities and staffing of the Wannsee Institute, including Poppe’s role, see Records of the Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police, loc. cit., Roll 456, Frame 2972093ff., for correspondence, security passes, lists of employees, etc., from the institute.
22.
Records of the Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police, loc. cit., Roll 455, Frame 2971560ff., for documentation concerning Wannsee’s role in the looting of libraries and bookdealers; and Roll 457, Frame 2973523ff, for Amt VI-G correspondence concerning use of concentration camp inmates for custodial work.
Poppe’s comments: Poppe interviews, October 26 and December 4, 1984, and Poppe, op. cit., pp. 170 and 174–75.
23.
Poppe, op. cit., pp. 170 and 175–76.
24.
Rodes memo to DDI Frankfurt, May 22, 1947 (top secret), copy in author’s collection. On Poppe’s work for British and American agencies: Poppe, op. cit., pp. 191, 193–96, and 197–98.
25.
State Department records concerning Poppe’s immigration may be found at: “For [Carmel] Offie from [John Paton] Davies,” 800.4016 DP/3–848, March 8, 1948 (secret); “For Offie from Davies,” 893.00 Mongolia/3–1848, March 18, 1948 (secret); “For [James] Riddleberger from [George] Kennan,” 861.00/10–2248, October 22, 1948 (secret—sanitized); “Personal for Kennan from Riddleberger,” 861.00/11–248, November 2, 1948 (secret—sanitized); and “Personal for Riddleberger from Kennan,” 800.4016 DP/5–449, May 3, 1949 (secret), signed also by Robert Joyce, all at RG 59, NA. The sanitized correspondence was obtained through the FOIA.
On Poppe’s immigration, also: author’s interviews with Poppe, October 26 and December 4, 1984; Davies, November 28, 1983; and Evron Kirkpatrick, November 10, 1983.
Poppe’s U.S. Army INSCOM file is available via the FOIA and is No. 84107. 3224. For British Foreign Office correspondence on the Poppe affair, see British Foreign Office: Russia Correspondence 1946–1948, F. O. 371 (microfilm collection of British records), Scholarly Resources, Wilmington, Del., 1982, particularly 1946 File 911, Document 12867, p. 80ff., and 1946 File 3365, Document 9647, p. 22ff. It is interesting to note that U.S. Political Adviser in Germany James Riddleberger, who played a role in the escape of Klaus Barbie, was directly involved in arranging Poppe’s immigration to the United States. (Riddleberger is deceased.) Robert Joyce, who assisted in the American end of the transit arrangements, also played a key role in the immigration of Albanian émigrés with backgrounds as Nazi collaborators; see source note 34, below.
An account of Poppe’s immigration to the United States, including a direct admission that “a U.S. intelligence agency” sponsored his resettlement in this country, appears in Nazis and Axis Collaborators Were Used to Further U.S. Anti-Communist Objectives in Europe—Some Immigrated to the United States, report by the Comptroller General of the United States, U.S. General Accounting Office, June 28, 1985, p. 35. This report, prepared by GAO investigator John Tipton following limited access to CIA records, neither names Poppe nor identifies the intelligence agency that sponsored him. The anonymous “Subject E” of Tipton’s report, however, is without a doubt Poppe, and the agency is the CIA. This study is hereinafter cited as 1985 GAO Report.
26.
Poppe interview, October 26, 1984; see also Poppe, op. cit., pp. 199–200.
27.
For a brief official biography on Poppe, see Directory of American Scholars, 1974 edition, p. 368, and The Writers Directory, 1982–1984, p. 754, which discusses Poppe’s literary accomplishments. A Russian-language interview with Poppe concerning his career is available at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. See also Arista Maria Cirtautas, “Nicholas Poppe, a Bibliography of Publications from 1924 to 1977,” Parerga (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington, Institute for Comparative and Foreign Area Studies, 1977), for an extensive bibliography of Poppe’s work, which is unfortunately silent on Poppe’s production for the SS, British, and American intelligence agencies. Poppe’s own account is in Poppe, op. cit., p. 199ff.
28.
For Poppe’s testimony on Owen Lattimore, see “Institute of Pacific Relations,” Hearings before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, U.S. Senate, 82nd Congress, February 12, 1952, pp. 2691–2707, 2724–31, with quoted passages on pp. 2725–26. For overviews of Lattimore case, see Oshinsky, op. cit., p. 136ff., and Caute, op. cit., p. 317ff. See also C. P. Trussell, “Senate Unit Calls Lattimore Agent of Red Conspiracy,” New York Times, July 3, 1952, p. 1. For Poppe’s statements concerning Lattimore’s role in opposing Poppe’s immigration, see Poppe, op. cit., pp. 191, 197, and 214–16.
29.
Poppe interview, December 4, 1984.
30.
Ibid. For points discussed in footnote, 1985 GAO Report, p. 35, and U.S. Department of Justice Criminal Division correspondence re: FOIA request CRM-11132-F, January 9, 1986.
31.
“Axis Supporters Enlisted by U.S. in Postwar Role,” New York Times, June 20, 1982.
32.
Joyce memo: “Robert Joyce to Walworth Barbour,” 875.00/5–1249, May 12, 1949 (top secret), RG 59, NA. Background information on Robert Joyce may be found in his obituary, which appeared in the Washington Post, February 10, 1984.
On character of Albanian collaboration, see OSS R&A report L38836, “Albania: Political and Internal Conditions,” July 10, 1944 (secret), which states in part that “Xhafer Deva, Rexhep Mitrovic and Midhat Frasheri are with the Germans.… Anti-Semitic measures are being adopted now,” RG 226, NA. See also “Axis Supporters Enlisted by U.S. in Postwar Role,” loc. cit., and Hilberg, op. cit., pp. 451 and 451n.
33.
Dosti comment: “Axis Supporters Enlisted by U.S. in Postwar Role,” loc. cit. On Assembly of Captive European Nations funding by CIA through Radio Free Europe: Price, op. cit., pp. CRS 9–10, and see Chapter 1, source note 9, for further documentation. On Philby’s role: Bruce Page et al., The Philby Conspiracy (New York: Signet, 1969), pp. 177–89, and Kim Philby, My Silent War (New York, Ballantine, 1983), pp. 155–65.
Chapter Ten
1.
On origins of RFE and RL, see Mickelson, op. cit., pp. 11–22, 59–75; David Wise and Thomas Ross, The Invisible Government (New York: Vintage/Random House, 1964), p. 326ff.; Marchetti and Marks, op. cit., pp. 174–78; and Cor
d Meyer, Facing Reality (New York: Harper & Row, 1980), pp. 110–38. On the CIA’s controlling role in RFE and RL throughout the cold war, see also John Crewdson and Joseph Treaster, “Worldwide Propaganda Network Built by the CIA,” New York Times, December 26, 1977, p. 1; “Defector Had Job Tied to CIA,” Washington Post, September 15, 1966; “Help for Radio Free Europe,” Washington Post, February 5, 1966; “CIA Cash Linked to Broadcasts,” Washington Post, March 12, 1970; “Ban Sought on CIA Aid for Radio Free Europe,” New York Times, January 24, 1971; Michael Getler, “CIA Runs Radio Free Europe, Ex-Employee Says in Prague,” Washington Post, January 31, 1976.
2.
Mickelson, op. cit., pp. 14–17. Mickelson identifies the source of the first $2 million of National Committee for a Free Europe funds (plus printing presses, propaganda balloons, etc.) as Frank Wisner’s OPC, which in turn had inherited that “nest egg,” as Mickelson puts it, from the Special Projects Group (SPG), the institutional umbrella for the $10 million in U.S. clandestine funding allocated for manipulation of the Italian election. Mickelson does not discuss where the SPG got its funds, however. For details on that point, see Chapter Seven, source note 20.
3.
For Carey comment, see New York Herald Tribune, January 29, 1950, and Richard Boyer and Herbert Morais, Labor’s Untold Story (New York: United Electrical Radio & Machine Workers of America Publishing Division, 1973), p. 362. On Kennan’s role in creating the NCFE board, see Mickelson, op. cit., pp. 14–15. On early NCFE board members, see Price, op cit., p. CRS-7, and National Committee for a Free Europe, President’s Report for the Year 1954 (New York: National Committee for a Free Europe, 1954). The most complete presentation of backgrounds and careers of early NCFE directors available at present is in Collins, op. cit., p. 362ff. Mickelson offers a useful table of key NCFE and American Committee for Liberation personalities on p. 257ff. For roles of Yarrow, Grace, and Heinz, see Comptroller General of the United States, U.S. Government Monies Provided to Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, General Accounting Office Report No. 72–0501, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1972) pp. 79–81 and 109.
4.
Mickelson, op. cit, pp. 18, 20.
5.
James Burnham, Containment or Liberation? (New York: John Day Co., 1953), p. 188. For Burnham’s relationship with OPC, see Smith, OSS, p. 367. For official, but sanitized, funding estimates, see also Comptroller General of the United States, U.S. Government Monies Provided to Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, loc. cit.
6.
The history of the various corporate covers employed by the OPC and the CIA to conceal their relationship with RFE, RL, and other psychological warfare programs is complex.
The corporate parent of the agency’s Eastern European broadcasting arm, for example, has variously been called the Committee for a Free Europe (1948–1949); the National Committee for a Free Europe (1949–1954); the Free Europe Committee, Inc. (1954–1976); and, finally, RFE/RL, Inc. (1976– ). Each of these companies had a broadcasting division named Radio Free Europe (circa 1950– ).
The CIA’s parallel effort aimed at the USSR has included the American Institute for the Study of the USSR (1950); Institute for the Study of the History and Culture of the Soviet Union (1950); American Committee for the Freedom of the Peoples of the USSR (1951); American Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia, Inc. (1951–1953); and American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, also often known as AMCOMLIB (1953–1956). The latter had officially changed its name to Radio Liberation, Inc. by 1963, although correspondence from 1956 to 1963 indicates that the parent company also did business as AMCOMLIB, Inc. during that time. Next came the Radio Liberty Committee (1963–1976). The radio broadcasting arm of this operation was variously known as the Radio Station of the Coordinating Center of Anti-Bolshevik Struggle (1953); Radio Liberation from Bolshevism (1953–1956); Radio Liberation (1956–1963); and Radio Liberty (1963– ).
The Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty organizations finally merged into RFE/RL, Inc. in 1976. The author has attempted to simplify references in the text to these changing corporate cover entities as much as possible for clarity’s sake.
On clandestine CIA funding of educational and charitable foundations mentioned above in the text, see “Groups Channeling, Receiving Assistance from CIA,” Congressional Quarterly Almanac 1967, pp. 360–61; Church Committee Report, Book VI, p. 263ff; Gloria Emerson, “Cultural Group Once Aided by CIA Picks Ford Fund Aide to Be Its Director,” New York Times, October 2, 1967, p. 17; Hans J. Morgenthau, “Government Has Compromised the Integrity of the Educational Establishment,” and Irving Louis Horowitz, “Social Scientists Must Beware the Corruption of CIA Involvement,” both in Young Hum Kim, ed., The Central Intelligence Agency: Problems of Secrecy in a Democracy (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath & Co., 1968).
Of particular interest in this regard is George Kennan’s presidency of the Free Russia Fund and, later, of the East European Fund, major conduits for Ford Foundation money to approved scholars seeking to define U.S./Soviet relations during the cold war. Both funds placed particular stress on émigré affairs. For an early Free Russia Fund publication, see George Fischer, ed., Russian éMigré Politics (New York: Free Russia Fund, Inc., 1951). On Ken-nan’s role, see also “The Men of the Ford Foundation,” Fortune (December 1951), p. 117.
For an overview of clandestine CIA funding of media assets, see Daniel Schorr, “Are CIA Assets a Press Liability?,” More (February 1978), p. 18ff.
7.
On clandestine U.S. funding for foreign governments’ exile programs, see “U.S. Policy on Defectors, Escapees and Refugees from Communist Areas,” NSC 5706 (secret), February 13, 1957, p. 6, a sanitized version of which is available in RG 273, NA, Washington, D.C. For $100 million estimate, see U.S. Government Monies Provided to Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, loc. cit. On the CIA’s use of RFE/RL covers to pass funds to exile committees, see Price, op. cit., p. CRS-1 (for CIA funding of RFE) and p.CRS-10 (for RFE funding of the ACEN). See also NCFE, President’s Report for the Year 1954, pp. 18–21, for a surprisingly frank presentation of the committee’s Division of Exile Relations’ work with the ACEN, International Peasant Union, Christian Democratic Union of Central Europe, and others.
8.
For source material on CIA funding of exile programs, see source note 7, above. On clandestine CIA funding of the extreme-right Paris Bloc of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) exile organization, see A. Tchilingarian, “The American Committee and the Struggle Against Bolshevism,” Armenian Review (March 1955), p. 3ff., and Crewdson and Treaster, op. cit., p. 37, for agency funding of book by extreme right ABN leader Suzanne Labin. Although Labin worked closely with numerous outspoken Nazi collaborators and sympathizers in the leadership of ABN, there is no indication that she collaborated with or is sympathetic to Nazi Germany. For a more complete discussion of the dominant role of Nazi collaborators in the ABN, as well as their role in more moderate CIA-funded organizations, such as the ACEN and the exile committees, see Chapters Fifteen and Seventeen.
9.
For an example of political controversy over the “left” tilt of some RFE/RL financed émigré associations, see Kurt Glaser’s attack on the Council for a Free Czechoslovakia titled “The ‘Russia First’ Boys in Radio Free Europe,” National Review (February 1953). This article found its way into Immigration and Naturalization Service records as INS “Memorandum for File 56347 / 218,” May 6, 1953, retyped word for word by an unidentified investigator for the Subversive Alien Branch. That memo, in turn, led to a series of watch reports and even arrest warrants for pro-Zenkl Czech leaders. See INS classified file on Council for a Free Czechoslovakia, obtained by author via FOIA. On “liberal” tilt, see also Smith, OSS, p. 389, n. 63; Colby, op. cit.; and Kurt Glaser, “Psychological Warfare’s Policy Feedback,” Ukrainian Quarterly (Spring 1953), p. ll0ff. For Durcansky group’s view of Tiso regime, see Ferdinand Durcansky, “The West Shut Its Eyes to Tiso’s Warning
,” ABN-Correspondence, No. 5–6 (1953), p. 6.
10.
On Nižňanský and Csonka, see Milan Blatny, Les Proclamateurs de Fausse Liberté (Bratislava: L’Institut d’Études de Journalisme, 1977), pp. 16 and 30. Kennan quote: George F. Kennan, Memoirs 1950–1963 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967), p. 96, hereinafter cited as Kennan vol. II.
11.
On selection of name for American Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia, see Mickelson, op. cit., pp. 63–64 and 69. On origins of Radio Liberation generally, see Joseph Whelan, Radio Liberty: A Study of Its Origins, Structure, Policy, Programming and Effectiveness (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service, 1972); with discussion of evolution of American Committee for Liberation of the Peoples of Russia name at p. CRS-8ff. See also William Henry Chamberlin, “éMigré Anti-Soviet Enterprises and Splits,” Russian Review (April 1954), p. 91ff.
On founding of Vlassovite Komitet Osvobozhdeniia Narodov Rossii, or KONR (Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia), see Dallin, German Rule, pp. 628–36. George Fischer reports that the name KONR was originally chosen by Himmler himself.
12.
Mickelson, op. cit., p. 69, n. 2. For a more detailed examination of internal émigré splits and conflicts through 1952, see Dvinov, Politics of the Russian Emigration, loc. cit., p. 285ff. For a Ukrainian nationalist point of view on this question, see, for example, “Court Justice or Political Vengeance,” Ukrainian Quarterly (Spring 1952), p. l0lff., which concerns a beating of a pro-American Committee for Liberation Ukrainian leader at the hands of three young nationalists.
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