Alexanders Heirs

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by Edward M. Anson


  government under the king.6 Prior to the reigns of Alexander and his father Philip, the Macedonian king ruled through these individuals. They were mostly members

  of the powerful landed Macedonian aristocracy, although some were from differ-

  ent lands. In the non-bureaucratic state that had been Macedonia, they filled the offices of government under the king. They acted as regional officials, and served as ambassadors, advisors, and military commanders when called upon to perform

  these duties. Their relationship to the king was not institutional, but rather

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  personal, on the model of warrior-class Homeric society. As the king’s compan-

  ions they enjoyed a social bond, hunting, drinking, and fighting alongside their

  king. Indeed, prior to Philip II they were the principal arm of the Macedonian

  military, the cavalry. On the death of a monarch these notables, referred to by our Roman source Curtius as the principes, the leaders (Arrian Succ. 1a.2 cal s them megistoi, the great ones), would through their support choose a new king from the available members of the royal family. At some point there might be a formal

  coronation where the new ruler would be presented to his people, most likely

  the army, for acclamation. This acclamation was a mere formality. The evidence,

  however, suggests that there was no formal requirement of a coronation ceremony

  or even of an informal meeting of the so-called Macedonian aristocratic leader-

  ship, these Curtian principes, but rather a far more amorphous process in which powerful personalities dominated. As noted in the Introduction, there was no

  assembly of Macedonians who chose the Macedonian monarch. The king was for

  all intents and purposes an absolute autocrat, whose rule was tempered only by the traditional informality of the relationship between king and subjects.

  In this particular succession, virtual y all of the prominent hetairoi were in Babylon. The only exceptions, though notable ones, were Antipater, Alexander’s

  regent in Macedonia, and Craterus, who was on his way to replace Antipater

  bringing home roughly 10,000 veterans of long service in Asia (Arr. Anab. 7.12.4; Just. 12.12.9). In this circumstance the somaphylaces (seven official royal bodyguards, the most elite of the hetairoi) called a meeting to be held in the palace of the chief philoi, friends (another term used by our sources for those who are essential y hetairoi), and the other leaders of the army (Curt. 10.6.1). The soldiers, who, while Alexander yet lived, had forced their way into the southern palace of

  Nebuchadrezzar in Babylon (Oates 1986: 150–1) to see their dying king for the

  last time (Plut. Alex. 76.8; Arr. Anab. 7.26.1; Just. 12.15.1–4; Curt. 10.5.1), now assembled outside the throne room in the large, 60 × 55-meter, courtyard, awaiting news of the decision of their leaders (“desiring to know to whom Alexander’s

  empire would be given” (Curt. 10.6.1).7 Access to the discussion going on within

  was supposed to be limited to those summoned by name (Curt. 10.6.2). However,

  the palace’s succession of three courtyards leading to the throne room were all

  filled with soldiers, and, as a result, many of those summoned could not because

  of the crowds secure passage to the place of meeting (Curt. 10.6.1–2).

  The soldiers’ anxiety was well placed. Not only was there a dearth of possible

  candidates for the throne, but among the principes there was no clear agreement on how to proceed. Alexander’s death just ten days after falling ill had apparently caught all by surprise. The shock and the traditional y amorphous Macedonian

  selection process, when added to the unique circumstances of this particular

  succession, made a chaotic situation almost inevitable. Perdiccas, Alexander’s

  chiliarch or second-in-command,8 who is initial y found in charge of the proceed-

  ings, was in favor of awaiting the birth of Roxane’s unborn child (Curt. 10.6.4–9; Just. 13.2.5). Little thought was apparently given to the possibility that the child might not be male, perhaps because the infant would be male either natural y or

  The Death of a Conqueror

  15

  by subterfuge (cf. Curt. 10.6.21). Even this eventuality, if approved, raised concerns. Who would be regent and guardian for the infant? There is little doubt that Perdiccas saw himself in this role. It is also very possible that Perdiccas desired to be king in his own right (cf. Curt. 10.6.16–19), but likely proclaiming that he

  would only serve as an interim monarch, ostensibly awaiting the coming of age of

  the Conqueror’s son. Such a situation would secure the continuation of order and

  still point toward an eventual Argead successor, while giving Perdiccas’ ambitions the cover of appearing to be serving the needs of the state and remaining loyal

  to the royal Argead family. When his position was secure, the young man could

  be set aside and Perdiccas would rule as the founder of a new royal line. This supposition would make sense of all of the surviving evidence surrounding Perdiccas

  and his actions during and after the deliberations in Babylon. However, at one

  point the chiliarch was offered the crown, and while there was initial support from those assembled, he hesitated to accept the offer (Curt. 10.6.18–19). This hesitation may have resulted from Perdiccas’ fear that later he might be seen as a usurper if the Argead lineage were bypassed. Curtius (10.6.18) proclaims that, while

  Perdiccas desired the position, his indecision resulted from a sense that such

  action was improper or shameful. Later, Perdiccas approved the murder of Stateira, one of Alexander’s Persian wives and the daughter of Darius III (Plut. Alex. 77.6).9

  There is even a report that it was Alexander’s wish that Perdiccas marry Roxane

  ( LM 118; cf. Heckel 1988: 26). This last is associated by the Liber de Morte with the well-attested giving to Perdiccas by Alexander of his seal ring ( LM 112), by which act Alexander likely was not attempting to make Perdiccas his successor, but was

  simply attempting to ensure the continuation of official state functions and the

  oversight of the succession (Rathmann 2005b: 26). No other source mentions

  the proposed marriage in any context (cf. Diod. 17.117.3; 18.2.4; Curt. 10.5.4;

  Just. 12.15.12). Such a marriage might have been contemplated, but the general

  hostility of the Macedonian soldiers to all things Persian would have made such a plan moot. This long-standing hostility towards Asians, and Persians in particular, which had come to dominate the relationship between Alexander and his

  Macedonians, made Alexander’s sons far less desirable as even potential leaders,

  and a marriage even to the wife of the Conqueror held few benefits. Others

  apparently, including Ptolemy, one of Alexander’s longtime companions, saw

  no viable candidates and wished to create a ruling council of those most often

  summoned by the dead king to give him advice (Curt. 10.6.15).

  The difficulties involving the succession were not insurmountable and probably

  could have been resolved in conclave. However, before the principes could come to some agreement, the army intervened. These troops in Babylon were not the

  old Macedonian levy tied solely to the traditions of Macedonia; it was the army

  that had conquered the Persian Empire. It was now a force more professional than

  national, with a highly developed esprit de corps (Anson 2004: 255–7; 1991: 230–47; 1980: 56–7). In the chaos attendant on Alexander’s death the soldiers, desirous

  of information, burst into the meeting and showed a disinclination to leave (Curt.

  10.6.1–3). In 326, many of these same troops on the Hyphasis river in what is

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  Alexander’s Heirs

&n
bsp; today Pakistan10 had failed to accede to Alexander’s desire for further advance in the east, and had even jeered at him later at Opis in 324.11 They would not now be intimidated by his lieutenants. All deliberations now had to be carried out before an audience possessed of a strong vested interest in the outcome. Disagreements

  about the nature of the regency which were meant to be settled quietly behind

  closed doors by hard bargaining now had to be played out before this very atten-

  tive audience.

  Perdiccas dramatical y placed the ring given to him by Alexander on the throne

  and proposed to the assemblage that they await the birth of Roxane’s child (Curt.

  10.6.4–5, 9; Just. 13.2.5). This proposal received little support (Curt. 10.6.16).

  Nearchus, Alexander’s admiral, quickly suggested that Heracles, Alexander’s son

  by Barsine, be given the throne. Nearchus was married to Heracles’ half-sister

  (Arr. Anab. 7.4.6). The troops reacted vocal y and angrily to this suggestion (Curt.

  10.6.12). They had not been pleased with what they perceived as Alexander’s

  Persianization of the court (Arr. Anab. 7.8.1–2, 23.1; Plut. Alex. 71). Alexander included Persians in his personal entourage, began to adopt Persian dress, court

  procedure, and advisors, and increasingly incorporated Asian units into his ever-

  growing army (Carney 1996: 19–44; Anson 2004: 355–7; 2013b: 162–76). He had

  married three eastern princesses, two of whom were Persian (Plut. Alex. 47.7–8; Diod. 17.107.6; Arr. Anab. 7.4 .4),12 and had overseen the mixed marriages of 10,000 Macedonian officers and soldiers and Asian women (Arr. Anab. 7.4.4–8).

  After his victory at Gaugamela in 331, which, except for mopping up operations,

  gave Alexander control of the Persian Empire, the king began to change the

  campaign from one of vengeance against the Persians to one where the previously

  hated Persians were to become comrades-in-arms (Anson 2013b: 153–79). Such

  a transformation under any circumstances would have been difficult. When

  combined with Alexander’s growing sense of his own importance, it became an

  assault on the very traditions of Macedonia. All those living in his vast empire

  were now to be the subjects of the self-proclaimed “King of Asia” (Plut. Alex. 34.1).

  The long-standing Macedonian tradition of a personal relationship between ruler

  and people would now become one of ruler and subjects (Anson 2013b: 22, 24–6,

  163). In the summer of 327, Alexander even attempted to introduce into his court

  ceremony the Persian practice of proskynesis (Arr. Anab. 4.9.9, 10.5–12.6; Curt.

  8.5.5–24; Plut. Alex. 54.2–6), a form of submission which could involve a bowing or full prostration of the individual before a superior, in this particular case, the king (Hdts. 1.134.1; Frye 1972: 102–7). While the attempt was abandoned when

  it met with opposition, it was a pointed reminder of the changing relationship

  between the Macedonian king and his Macedonians. As Alexander began to

  implement this new relationship, his Macedonian troops became increasingly

  insubordinate and conspiracies arose against the king’s life.13 Under these circumstances the displeasure with a possible new king who was half-Asian was simply

  a continuation of the Macedonian resistance to the policies of their dead king.

  Given the vocal opposition to a half-Asian ruler, Ptolemy proposed that neither

  a king nor a specific regent be appointed, but that Alexander’s old council be

  The Death of a Conqueror

  17

  retained and that they make major decisions collectively (Curt. 10.6.15).14 As

  noted, Ptolemy had probably favored a regency council for Roxane’s potential son

  prior to the open meeting, but now seeing the reaction of the troops, especial y to Nearchus’ suggestion of Heracles as the new king, decided to forgo the regency

  completely, declaring it would be disgraceful for Macedonians and Greeks to

  be ruled by an Asian (Curt. 10.6.13–14). Aristonous, perhaps at the urging of

  Perdiccas, now called for Perdiccas to be made king in his own right, since

  Alexander had given him his ring before dying (Curt. 10.6.16–17). This suggestion received broad support, but Perdiccas hesitated to act and the moment was lost

  (Curt. 10.6.18–20). Given that the monarchy had been held by the Argead clan

  since mythical times, his hesitation is understandable.

  Given the nature of Macedonian monarchy, while there may have been initial

  support by the confused and apprehensive troops for Perdiccas to become king,

  that support would likely have become fleeting given time for reflection. The

  Roman historian Curtius (10.6.18), perhaps influenced by the feigned initial reluctance of Augustus and later Tiberius to accept power, states that Perdiccas coveted the prize but hoped his hesitancy would lead to an overwhelming demand that he

  accept the role. When that was not forthcoming, he moved from the forefront and

  remained quiet. Indeed, one of the battalion commanders, Meleager, the son of

  Neoptolemus, spoke forceful y against such a proposition, proclaiming Perdiccas

  to be unworthy of such a position and further stating that Roxane’s child was only a stalking horse for what would then become the de facto rule by Perdiccas as

  regent (Curt. 10.6.20–1). Many of the rank-and-file supported Meleager (Curt.

  10.7.1). All suggestions were now actively and openly debated by the troops

  (Curt. 10.6.16–18), and the meeting quickly degenerated “in sedition and discord”

  (Curt. 10.7.1). In this emerging chaos a virtual y unknown individual proposed

  that the crown be given to Arrhidaeus, who was the only adult Argead male; this

  suggestion was soon taken up by the soldiers and by Meleager (Curt. 10.7.1–2).

  While Curtius is our most detailed source, his description of events has been

  called into serious question,15 with one commentator stating that his problems as a source are sufficient “almost to preclude belief in anything Curtius says about events after Alexander’s death, except items confirmed by another source”

  (McKechnie 1999: 49). The major point of contention concerns the sequencing of

  the events that led to the proclamation by the Macedonian infantry of Arrhidaeus

  as king. Justin’s description is in a number of ways significantly different from that found in Curtius. Justin (13.2.1–4, 3.1–2) has the Macedonians meeting in three

  separate groups: the leaders, the cavalry, and the infantry. The leaders made their

  “unanimous” decisions in private (Just. 13.2.1–3), then gave out the word to

  the army, who were divided in location according to whether they were horsemen

  or foot soldiers (Just. 13.3.1). For Justin, Curtius’ principes were able to arrive at a decision with respect to the new monarch with no interference from the infantry.

  In private, they had agreed to await the birth of Roxane’s child. If the child was male, then Perdiccas, Leonnatus, Craterus, and Antipater would be the infant’s

  guardians (Just. 13.13–14). While the cavalry were in agreement with their leaders,

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  the infantry were incensed that they had not been consulted and immediately

  hailed Arrhidaeus as king (Just. 13.3.1–2). The principes now, in an attempt to win the infantry over to their decision, sent two Macedonian battalion commanders,

  Attalus and Meleager, to them, but these individuals joined the infantry and

  became their leaders (Just. 13.3.2). Attalus, Perdiccas’ brother-in-law, would

  appear an unlikely candidate for this betrayal, espe
cial y since he is later found in Perdiccas’ good graces, but it has been suggested that the marriage came later as part of a successful attempt to regain his allegiance (Heckel 1992: 381–4; 2006: 63).

  There are, however, additional improbable details in Justin,16 that might be

  dismissed out of hand as confusions by the epitimator of his source, but part of

  this basic outline of events also appears in the brief synopsis found in Diodorus (18.2.2–4), clearly indicating that there was a source tradition used by both

  Pompeius Trogus and Diodorus. The latter, however, begins with the division

  between the cavalry and infantry over the succession already in place, without

  any explanation of what led to it. He then states that envoys, only specifying

  Meleager by name, were sent from the cavalry to the infantry. Neither Arrian

  ( Succ. 1a.1–4; 1b.1), nor Plutarch ( Eum. 3.1–2), provides more than the briefest of outlines of these events. The basic scenario of events described in Justin is accepted by many scholars, who reject Curtius’ account as either “imaginative fiction”

  (McKechnie 1999: 49–50), or “a confused pot pourri” (Bosworth 2002: 35–44).

  However, Curtius’ account is more faithful to the specific historical context. The troops, while initial y having no expectation that they would select the next king, yet by the same token not willing to sit meekly by in some distant location while their futures were being decided, ultimately chose a king. The circumstances

  described by Curtius, the crowded meeting, the division of opinion amongst the

  principes, all led to an emboldening of the rank-and-file and the first true mutiny by the Macedonian army. Much like with mercenaries, many of whose attributes

  were exhibited by this long-serving royal army, this crisis caused the troops to see to their own interests through democratic means (cf. Parke 1933: 119). Indeed, it was this very succession crisis that gave rise to the brief period of powerful army assemblies that emerged following Alexander’s death (see Errington 1978: 116–17;

  Anson 1985: 307–8; 1991: 236–7). These were the result of the troops’ long service in Asia, the personal nature of that service in the period of both Alexander and

  his Successors, and the uncertainties that arose in this new age. The Curtian

 

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