Modern eyes tend to side with the Chinese in the affair. It is true that the West did force its way into China, which wished to remain isolated from the world. It is also true that the diplomats behaved very undiplomatically, that missionaries demanded special concessions for their Chinese converts and various Western powers took pieces of China to use as their own territory (such as Hong Kong.) To us, the whole affair seems very embarrassing, an case of shameless imperialism at its worst.
And yet it is also true that the Chinese behaved badly too. Chinese pretensions to being the sole source of global civilisation rang hollow in the ears of ambassadors who knew that the Chinese were no match, militarily speaking, for the West. Indeed, the Chinese Government was almost sickeningly ignorant of the outside world, addressing – at one point – Queen Victoria as a Barbarian Chieftain. Even when China’s back was to the wall, the Chinese Government continued to tell itself that the outsiders were merely coming to pay homage to the Son of Heaven, or that their armies could be beaten easily. China bears a large measure of responsibility for the poor relationship between her and the West.
But leaving that debate aside – because it can be argued both ways, suggesting that there is merit in both sides of the case – what are the lessons of the Boxer Rebellion?
First, trouble can seem to come out of nowhere. It is true that only a handful of foreigners (and perhaps Chinese officials) predicted the uprising, despite numerous signs of impending trouble. Hindsight is, of course, clearer than foresight; it’s easy to blame someone for missing signs that, in retrospect, seem clear. In modern times, who predicted either 9/11 or the Arab Spring?
Second, local governments might covertly support the rebels, fearing that otherwise they might turn against their own governments. In modern terms, we have Pakistan’s curious relationship with the Taliban and Pakistani extremists – and sizable sums of money flowing from the Gulf Oil States to various extremist factions. If there were a major anti-foreigner uprising in Saudi Arabia or Pakistan, which way would the local government jump?
Third, a display of weakness or irresolution can invite attack. Prior to the Boxer Rebellion, Italy made demands on China – which, in an unusual show of determination, the Chinese Government rejected. Firm and resolute actions might well have prevented the whole uprising from growing out of hand. In modern times, America’s hesitation in dealing with rogue governments merely encourages them to press further.
Fourth, resolute action can prevent a tragedy. The advance of Western forces (I believe) helped convince the local government not to allow the embassies to collapse. In modern times, the American failure to rescue the hostages in Iran – and, later, the delay in coming to the aid of Libyan rebels – only encouraged the enemies of civilisation.
It is said that those who do not learn from experience are condemned to repeat it. How right they are.
[Those interested in reading more about the Boxer Rebellion might wish to consult The Fists of Righteous Harmony: A History of the Boxer Uprising in China in the Year 1900 (Henry Keown-Boyd) and The Boxer Rebellion: The Dramatic Story of China's War on Foreigners that Shook the World in the Summer of 1900 (Diana Preston).]
***
There is a popular trope in military fiction (both general and SF) that tends to brand Ambassadors and Diplomats as cowards, traitors or simply idiots. The ‘Ass in Ambassador,’ as TV Tropes names it; the diplomats are the ones who talk, talk, talk and compromise, compromise, compromise ... seemingly unaware that they are giving away far too much for far too little. A typical example would be Reginald Houseman of David Weber’s The Honour of the Queen, whose effective ignorance of his own ignorance leads him to offend his hosts and threaten to damage relations between them and Houseman’s state. As one of the other characters points out, Houseman’s suggestion basically boils down to giving their hosts sworn enemies more economic muscle to beat them to death with.
From Houseman’s point of view, there was great merit in his suggestion. It did not, however, take into account the antagonism between the two worlds, or that both sides were not always capable of acting rationally – or, for that matter, that the enemy world was governed by fanatics who brutally oppressed anyone who didn't agree with them. Houseman was a caricature of the Ivy League Diplomat, merged with a hefty dose of ‘the know-it-all who doesn’t.’
This is not, sadly, averted in the real world. History is replete with examples of weak diplomacy leading to wars. Chamberlain of Britain was desperate to avoid war, so much so that he missed the bus when it came to fighting and winning a war (in 1936 or 1938) when it could have been won with minimal bloodshed. His problem, put simply, was that he failed to comprehend the true nature of Hitler’s regime. There would be war as long as Hitler was in power.
However, the diplomats have other problems. Their job is to maintain the lines of communication between their state and their host state. Offending their hosts gratuitously is a good way to damage relations (and, if they go too far) to end their careers. This is nicely illustrated by the FBI’s operations in Yemen, prior to 9/11, where the FBI team clashed constantly with the US Ambassador to the country. They saw themselves as investigators, digging out the truth; the ambassador saw them as clowns who knew little of local realities and would merely offend their hosts. In a sense, both the investigators and the ambassador were correct. Their objectives clashed quite badly.
A secondary problem lies in competition between diplomats and military men (in American terms, the State Department and the Pentagon.) Passing the buck to the Pentagon, for whatever reason, might make the State Department look like a failure. This led to problems when diplomats on the ground realised that certain problems were intractable, but their superiors were unwilling to press for military action. As weird as it seems, the State Department regarded the Pentagon as its natural enemy (and vice versa) rather than accepting that they had to work together. This makes perfect sense if you realise that they also compete for funding from the American Government.
A third problem lies in the fact that foreign governments often do not have the ability to do what the foreigners want, no matter how simple it seems. Saudi Arabia did not move against terrorists (and their funding networks) in Saudi after 9/11 because it would have risked considerable upheaval and civil unrest, perhaps even the fall of the House of Saud. The government was reluctant to commit suicide on America’s behalf. It was not until terrorists started striking within Saudi itself that the government found the nerve to take the offensive against them.
They also have interests of their own. Pakistan’s links to the Taliban are considered borderline treacherous by Americans, not without reason. The United States has, after all, supplied (and still supplies) Pakistan with billions of dollars worth of aid. However, the United States can simply withdraw from the region; the Pakistanis have to deal with the Taliban indefinitely. If extermination isn't an option, the Pakistani Government has to come to an accommodation with them. What choice do they have?
***
As I write these words, American Embassies in a number of countries are being closed in light of an undisclosed terrorist threat. As physical manifestations of American soil (legally, embassies are part of the country they represent), they are tempting targets for attack by anti-American factions. Nor can the United States always count on the host governments to provide protection, even though – legally – the protection of foreign embassies is the responsibility of the host government. (The governments that do take this seriously are not ones the United States has a problem with, although it is worth noting that the American Embassy in Moscow was never attacked.)
This is a wise precaution. Ever since President Carter failed to respond vigorously to the Iranian Hostage Crisis (which stated with an attack on the American Embassy in Tehran), American and other Western embassies have been seen as fair game. Problems in one country can often lead to attacks on American Embassies in another; the Mecca Uprising of 1979 led to attacks, including the burning of the Amer
ican Embassies in Pakistan and Libya. The fact that America had nothing to do with the uprising (which was carried out by Sunni fundamentalists of the same strain that would eventually lead to Al Qaeda) was of no concern to the demonstrators. And the local governments did nothing to stop the attacks.
Iranians have problems understanding why their country is so distrusted by the West, particularly America. After all, they argue, the average Iranian has no hatred for the United States. The answer is simple; Iran, in choosing to assault the embassy and start a major hostage crisis, stepped outside the bonds of civilised discourse. No one would have blamed the Iranians for evicting every last American official (it would be their right, under diplomatic protocol) but taking hostages and threatening their lives was unacceptable. Iran acted in a manner that showed a total disregard for international norms, a manner that was not even emulated by Hitler, Stalin or Imperial Japan, none of them paragons of good behaviour.
President Carter’s paralysis in the face of looming disaster did much to cement the poor reputation of the United States. When the going got tough, it was whispered, the US got going, not a message to encourage America’s friends and allies across the world. It is true that a more vigorous response might have risked the lives of the hostages, but it is also true that it might have convinced the more rational elements of the Iranian Government that backing the extremists would merely lead to pain. Even if the hostages died, exacting payment for their lives would have strengthened the United States’ reputation and made future such crises unlikely.
It is this that allowed host governments to think that they could get away with allowing mobs to threaten, ransack and destroy Western Embassies. And, unfortunately, in many cases they have been correct. The attack on Benghazi in 2012, which included the death of the American Ambassador, might not have happened if it had been made clear that such attacks would draw a vigorous response.
There are no shortage of excuses for such attacks. I don’t see any such excuses as valid; the concept of diplomats remaining untouched is a core principle of international relations, allowing nations to actually talk to one another face-to-face. Choosing to accept such attacks (and the host country’s disregard for the safety of foreign diplomats) is a dangerous misstep.
It must not be allowed to continue.
Christopher G. Nuttall
Kuala Lumpur, 2013
If you liked To The Shores, you might like The Coward’s Way of War ...
“In today's wars, there are no morals. We believe the worst thieves in the world today and the worst terrorists are the Americans. We do not have to differentiate between military or civilian. As far as we are concerned, they are all targets.”
-Osama bin Laden
Sometime in the near future, a dying woman is discovered in New York City – infected with Smallpox. As the disease starts to spread, it is discovered that terrorists have unleashed a biological weapon on the American population – and brought the world to the brink of Armageddon.
Against this backdrop, an extraordinary cast of men and women fight desperately for survival in a world gone mad. Doctor Nicolas Awad struggles desperately to contain and control the outbreak; President Paula Handley struggles to rally the shattered country for war and preserve something of the American way of life. On the streets of New York, Sergeant Al Hattlestad and the NYPD try to keep order and save as many as possible, while survivalist Jim Revells takes his family and tries to hide from the chaos.
But the nightmare has only just begun...
Chapter One
…Among the many difficulties faced in countering such weapons is that the deployment system – i.e. an infected person, willingly or otherwise – is extremely difficult to detect. No reasonable level of security – up to and including strip and cavity searches – can detect an infected enemy agent. The issue becomes only more complicated when one realises that the infected person may be unaware that he or she is infected and, therefore, will show no sign of guilt or fear when investigated.
-Nicolas Awad
New York, USA
Day 1
“Did you enjoy the flight, sir?”
Ali Mohammad Asiri pasted a smile on his face as he looked up at the flight attendant. He had visited America several times before, yet he would never get used to American women and how they chose to dress. Just looking at the attendant – her nametag read CALLY – made him grimace inside, for it was clear that she had no sense of modesty. If one of Ali’s sisters had dared to wear such an outfit in front of a strange man, he would have beaten her into a pulp. The Americans were truly a shameless people.
“Yes, I did, thank you,” he said, in fluent English. As much as he wanted to reprove the harlot for her dress sense and her forwardness, he didn’t quite dare. The orders had been quite specific and completely beyond question. He was to pretend to be a playboy, one tasting the seductive western world for the first time, and do nothing to attract attention. It was odd that leering at a flight attendant was less likely to attract attention than politely turning his eyes away from her, but orders were orders. Besides, he was skilled at concealing his true thoughts. Growing up with a father who adored the Americans – and the money they brought into the Kingdom – had left him very aware of the possibility of betrayal. “It was an excellent flight.”
Cally grinned down at him, apparently unaware of his inner thoughts. “I’ll be sure to pass your compliments on to the pilot,” she said. It had been a boring flight really, with no excitement beyond a short landing in France before flying on to New York. “Is this your first time in New York, honey?”
Ali winced inwardly at her words. “No,” he admitted. He would have preferred to claim ignorance, but there was no way of knowing just who Cally truly worked for or even if she would get curious and check his records. “I visited three times before and enjoyed myself, even though I was a child the first time around.”
Cally shrugged and headed off to bother another passenger, leaving Ali to slump into his chair in relief. The passengers were disembarked row by row and herded off the plane and into the flight terminal, many of them heading back to the United States after a holiday or business trip abroad. Even in a time of economic recession, the Americans looked fat and disgustingly healthy compared to some of the fighters he had seen at the training camp, but then the devil was fond of rewarding his servants in this life. It was the afterlife that they had to beware, or so Ali had been taught, back when he had rediscovered his faith. Allah saw all and stood in judgement over it all.
He stood up when the flight attendants waved at him, picking up his small carry-on bag as he moved. There wasn’t much in it – increasingly burdensome flight regulations had made it impossible to carry anything useful onto the plane – but he had been warned not to let it out of his sight. The Great Sheikh had made it clear that Ali must not lose his documents, even though he hadn’t offered any specific instructions as to the disposal of those documents. Indeed, Ali had no idea why he’d been ordered to take a short holiday to New York City and spend a few days just relaxing and enjoying himself. When he thought about the privations being suffered by the fighters in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan, he felt nothing, but guilt. How could he enjoy himself – insofar as it was possible for a believer to enjoy himself in a sinful city – when his brothers were suffering at the hands of the infidel?
But orders were orders.
Ali remembered – as he followed another female flight attendant – how he’d first met the Great Sheikh. He’d been a young man then, barely aware of the greater world outside his home city, yet bitterly aware of his father’s lack of faith. His father worked with infidels, did business with infidels, profited from infidels…and ignored his duties to Islam. The young Ali, more influenced by a strict believing uncle than his father, had wondered if his father had had plans to use the infidel lust for money against them, but as he’d grown older he had come to realise that his father just loved their money. He had grown to manhood aware of his family’
s shame – and of how his world was slipping away from him – and desperate to change it, somehow. His uncle had introduced him to a more fundamentalist mosque and it had all grown from there. Ali had thought to go to Pakistan – Iraq wasn't a safe place for believers these days, not with an increasingly effective Iraqi Army wiping out Jihadi cells almost as soon as they were formed – but the Great Sheikh had had other ideas. Ali was a young man with an unblemished record, one that would sound no alarms in the American security forces. He could be far more useful elsewhere.
The Great Sheikh himself was a great man. He had fought alongside the great Osama bin Laden before the unleashing of righteous wrath on New York City, over seventeen years ago. Since then, he had fought in Iraq, Pakistan and even Europe before he’d finally been ordered to return to his homeland of Saudi Arabia and start forming new cells for overseas operations. Ali, like many other young men, had been captivated by his words, for they had nothing in their lives to live for. Ali had graduated from education with a degree in Islamic Studies that had proven to be worthless in the real world, while there was no hope of marriage or children. His father had refused to help his believing son any further, after reminding Ali that he had urged him to take a more useful – and sinful – course. Instead, one of his daughters was – against all Islamic Precepts – slowly assuming control of the family business. Her husband, a weak man easily dominated by his wife, might have control in name, but in reality it was all hers. It made Ali’s blood boil. How could any man be so weak?
The Empire's Corps: Book 06 - To The Shores... Page 41