Carthage Must Be Destroyed

  CHAPTER 4: THE ECONOMY OF WAR: CARTHAGE AND SYRACUSE

  1 For Ibiza, see Gómez Bellard 1990. For Sardinia, Van Dommelen 1998, 125–9. For the idea that Carthage increasingly looked overseas for food and land for its growing population see Ameling 1993, 250 ff.

  2 Van Dommelen 1998, 125–9; 2002, 130–3.

  3 Mastino, Spanu & Zucca 2005, 103–4; Bechtold 2008, 51–6, 76.

  4 Pseudo-Aristotle Mirab. Ausc. 100. It is also noteworthy that ears of grain were a common motif on Punic coins minted in Sardinia.

  5 Barnett & Mendleson (eds.) 1987, 41–6, for grave goods in Tharros.

  6 Barreca 1987, 24–6.

  7 Van Dommelen 1998, 127.

  8 Bernardini 1993, 173–7.

  9 Garbini 1983, 158–60.

  10 Van Dommelen 1998, 127–8, must be right in disputing Barreca’s claim (1986, 88–9) of a Carthaginian border-defence system across the island, but he in turn does not take enough account of the fortified nature of many of these sites.

  11 Gharbi 2004.

  12 Bonzani 1992, 215–16.

  13 Herodotus 7.165; Brizzi 1995, 308.

  14 Polyaenus 1.27.2.

  15 Herodotus 7.167.

  16 Diodorus, 11.24.4.

  17 Ibid. 11.26.1–3.

  18 Ibid. 11.25.1–5.

  19 Asheri 1988, 776–8.

  20 Aristotle Pol. 2.8.1–2. Although the actual date of the introduction of the suffeture is vague, Krahmalkov (1976, 153–7) makes the important observation that there is no reference to the suffeture (for an explanation of which see p. 130) in Punic epigraphy before the fifth century BC. Although the suffeture is also recorded in Tyre in the fifth century (Sznycer 1978, 571), there is no evidence that the office hailed from the Levant.

  21 Aristotle Pol. 2.8.5–6, 2.8.8–9.

  22 At Tharros an inscription dated to the third century BC mentions suffetes. However, the inclusion of the ancestral antecedents of the office-holders suggests that the suffeture had existed as a political office in Tharros before this period (Barreca 1987, 26). In addition, suffetes still existed in the first century BC in a number of the old Carthaginian/Phoenician colonies such as Eryx, Bithia, Sulcis, Malta, Gades and perhaps Caralis. Popular Assemblies are recorded at Leptis Magna, Malta, Bithia and Olbia. At a more junior level, many of these colonies also appear to have had officials (who are also attested to in Carthage) whose duties involved administrative matters including the collection of taxes. An inscription (CIS i.154.) found in Tharros and dated to the third century BC was originally thought to refer to a Carthaginian official, but it is now thought that he was in fact a local market official.

  23 Aristotle Pol. 2.8.4, 2.8.8.

  24 Herodotus 7.167.

  25 It is thought that the temple of Nike, the Greek goddess of victory, at Himera may be one of the two temples. A third clause, that Carthage had to agree to cease the practice of human sacrifice, is thought to be fraudulent.

  26 Carthage had resisted other tempting opportunities to reinvolve itself in Sicilian affairs. It had even turned down a call for assistance from the Elymian city of Segesta–locked, as usual, in conflict with its Greek neighbour –and from Carthage’s erstwhile ally Selinus (Diodorus 12.82.7). The Carthaginians were perhaps mindful that the Athenians, when matters had been going well for them, had thought more than once about making Carthage their next victim (Aristophanes Knights 1302–4; Plutarch Per. 20.4).

  27 Lancel 1995, 140–41.

  28 Ibid., 134–42.

  29 Hall 1989.

  30 Herodotus 7.163–4.

  31 Krings 1998, 276–84.

  32 However, there is good evidence for previous friendly relations between Greek and Phoenician people on Cyprus (Snodgrass 1988, 19–20). For the Phoenician kings of Kition see Yon 1992.

  33 Pindar, Pythi. Ode 1.71–5. For the Deinomenid reinvention of Himera see Krings 1998, 261–5.

  34 Herodotus 7.166; Diodorus 11.1.5, 11.20.1.

  35 Aristotle Pol. 7.2.10; Plato Laws 1.637D–E.

  36 Aristotle Poet. 1459a 24–8: Krings 1998, 284–8.

  37 Isaac 2004, 283–98.

  38 Aristotle Pol. 2.8.1.

  39 Ibid. However, later in the Politics (5.6.2) Aristotle does make reference to the failed coup of Hanno that marked the end of Magonid political dominance in Carthage.

  40 Plato Laws 2.674B–C. However, there is plentiful evidence for Carthaginians making, trading and consuming wine (Lancel 1995, 274–6).

  41 Morel 1980 & 1983.

  42 Athenaeus 1.27e–1.28a (Fr. 63, PCG).

  43 Bechtold 2007, 65–7.

  44 At the city of Thebes someone with the Carthaginian name Nobas (whose real name was probably Annobas) is attested as being granted the status of proxenos, an honorary citizenship bestowed on foreigners for the good service that they had rendered. In Athens around 330 BC two resident Carthaginians are mentioned, and the inventories from the temples of Apollo and Artemis on the island of Delos mention gifts from Punic people (Manganaro 2000, 258).

  45 On Antiochus see Luraghi 2002, and on Philistus see Bearzot 2002.

  46 Diodorus 13.43.4–5.

  47 The successors of Gelon had lacked both his charisma and his ruthlessness, and had been overthrown by the Syracusans, who had grown tired of their excesses. The democratic government that replaced them was no more successful in achieving consensus, for social cohesion had been greatly undermined by the violence and mass deportations that had been such keystones of Gelon’s political strategy (Lomas 2006, 102).

  48 Whittaker 1978, 66–7.

  49 Large quantities of goods from both Italy and Greece were imported into Carthage throughout this period (Bechtold 2007, 54–8, 65–7). For the political independence of the Punic cities in Sicily during this period see Bondì 1999, 39–42.

  50 Di Stefano et al. 1998, 88.

  51 Diodorus 13.81.5.

  52 Whittaker 1978, 81–2.

  53 Diodorus 13.43.5.

  54 Ibid. 13.43.6–7.

  55 Ibid. 13.44.1–6.

  56 This was clearly a very sizeable force. However, the figures for its size–either 200,000 foot and 4,000 horse or over 100,000 men–are obviously grossly exaggerated (Diodorus 13.54.5).

  57 Ibid. 13.54.6–13.59.3.

  58 Ibid. 13.59.4–13.62.6.

  59 Jenkins 1971, 29–33. On the mercenaries in Carthage’s Sicilian armies see Brizzi 1995, 308–11; Ameling 1993, 212–15.

  60 Ameling 1993, 265–6; Visonà 1998, 4.

  61 Mildenberg 1989, 7–8; Visonà 1998, 5.

  62 On men and supplies, see Fariselli 1999, 59–61; on coinage, Jenkins 1974, 23–6. Wherever the mint was actually physically located, Carthage was certainly the issuing authority (Manfredi 1999, 70).

  63 Diodorus 13.63.4–5.

  64 Ibid. 13.80.1.

  65 Meritt 1940.

  66 Diodorus 13.80.1–5.

  67 Ibid. 13.80.5–7.

  68 Ibid. 13.85.1–13.86.3. Himilcar was also said to have sacrificed a large number of cattle to a sea god by drowning.

  69 Ibid. 13.86.4–13.89.4.

  70 Ibid. 13.86.90.1–5.

  71 Schmitz 1994, 11–13.

  72 Diodorus 14.7.1.

  73 Ibid. 13.91.1–13.96.4.

  74 Ibid. 14.41.1–14.43.4.

  75 Ibid. 14.45.2–14.46.5.

  76 Ibid. 14.47.5–7.

  77 Ibid. 14.52.1–2.

  78 Ibid. 14.53.1–5.

  79 Ibid. 14.48.1–14.53.4.

  80 Ibid. 14.54.2–4.

  81 Ibid. 14.54.5–14.63.4.

  82 Ibid. 14.71.1–4, 14.63.1–2, 14.70.4–6.

  83 Ibid. 14.71.3–4.

  84 Ibid. 14.71.1.

  85 Ibid. 14.75.2–3. Diodorus/Timaeus also suggested that it was not only greed that lay behind Dionysius’ decision, but also the fear that his own citizens might try to oust him if the Carthaginian menace were removed.

  86 Ibid. 14.72.1–14.75.3.

  87 Ibid. 14.76.3–4; Justin 19.3.1–11. The
account of Justin (19.3.12) has Himilco locking himself in his house and committing suicide.

  88 Justin 21.4.1.

  89 Aristotle Pol. 2.11.3; Bondì 1995a, 296–7.

  90 The suffetes may have been in existence for some time (Sznycer 1978, 567–70). Prefect of bureau of public works = KAI 62.4 k36. Tax collectors = CIS i.5547.⅘. Administrators = KAI 119.2/3; Aristotle Pol. 2.11.3–6; Bondì 1995a, 296.

  91 Aristotle Pol. 2.11.3–70; Huss 1985, 460–61; Bondì 1995a, 296.

  92 Diodorus 14.95.1–14.96.4.

  93 Ibid. 15.15.1–2.

  94 Ibid. 15.15.3–15.16.3.

  95 Ibid. 15.17.5. There were additional clauses such as Selinus and Acragas returning to Carthage’s sphere of influence, and Dionysius agreeing to pay Carthage 1,000 talents in reparations.

  96 Ibid. 15.24.1–3. The city was in such a state of panic that men were seen to rush out of their houses in full armour and attack their fellow citizens because they imagined that Carthage had come under attack.

  97 Ibid. 15.74.2–3.

  98 Justin 21.4.1–7.

  99 Ibid. 21.4.8ff.

  100 Whittaker 1978, 62; Diodorus 13.81.1; Polybius 1.15.10, 1.17.1, 3.24.8, 3.24.12.

  101 Panormus, Solus, Thermae Himerae and Eryx were all producing their own coinage in the second half of the fourth century (Jenkins 1971, 53–75).

  102 Diodorus 14.16.4; Strabo 6.2.15; Schimtz 1994, 11. Halaisa may have been set up as a base for the recent expeditionary force. On Thermae Himerae, see Diodorus 13.79.8. The population of the city was made up not just of Punic settlers, but also of Greeks from Sicily and southern Italy (ibid. 19.2.2).

  103 For a study of Punic Lilybaeum see Di Stefano 1993.

  104 Tusa 1984, 36–7, 49–55, 69–71.

  105 Ibid., 35.

  106 Caruso 2003; Tusa 1984, 24–35; Moscati 1986, 101–5.

  107 Tusa 1984, 21–3; Purpura 1981.

  108 Jenkins 1977, 8–33.

  109 Diodorus 13.59.3; Moscati 1986, 123–9; Tusa 1984, 36–7.

  110 Moscati 1986, 127.

  111 Ibid., 47.

  112 Ibid., 127. Yet, despite the obvious Punic influences, the religious usage of the sanctuary of Malaphorus in the fourth century BC shows clear signs of a reaffirmation of an important indigenous cult which appears to have been held in high esteem by both Greek and Punic populations.

  113 Acquaro 1988, 38–9.

  114 Moscati 1986, 130–55; Acquaro 1988, 41–3.

  115 Morris et al. 2001–2004.

  116 Lysias Olympiacus 33.3; Plutarch Tim. 1.1–2.

  117 Cornelius Nepos Tim. 3.1.

  118 Archaeologists have come to this conclusion as a result of the large number of military coins from the Carthage mint and of Carthaginian transport amphorae found there. For a study of Monte Adranone see Fiorentini 1995.

  119 The finds included Carthaginian bronze coins, gaming dice, and large quantities of both wine amphorae and imported Greek pottery (Morris et al. 2001–2002).

  120 Anello 1986, 170–72.

  121 Fariselli 1999, 62–5. Some have even wished to see this as evidence of the establishment of a kind of ‘economic protectorate’ whereby mercenary troops were settled on territory under Carthaginian suzerainty and then required to protect it. However, the discernible difference in the material culture of these new sites–where much larger numbers of amphorae from North Africa are found–compared with the old Punic cities of western Sicily, where the vast majority of the amphorae are of local manufacture, appears to show that these new settlements were not part of the thriving local economy (Bechtold 2007, 54–8).

  122 Whittaker 1978, 60, 88–90.

  123 Bechtold 2007, 65–7; 2008, 56–74, 76.

  124 Bechtold 2007, 54–8.

  125 Bechtold 2008, 57–8.

  126 Docter et al. 2006, 54.

  127 Chelbi 1992, 18–20.

  128 Bechtold 2008, 49–50.

  129 Large numbers of Sardinian ‘sack’- and ‘torpedo’-shaped amphorae used for the transportation of foodstuffs are found in Punic Sicily during the fifth and fourth centuries BC (Mastino, Spanu & Zucca 2005, 103–4). These amphorae key in with the assertions of Diodorus that the Carthaginian army was fed on Sardinian corn (Diodorus 14.77.6; Fariselli 1999, 59–63).

  130 Crawford 1985, 104.

  131 Diodorus 16.65.1–9.

  132 Ibid. 16.66.5–6, 16.67.1–16.68.8.

  133 Ibid. 16.69.3–6, 16.70.4–6, 16.72.2–16.73.3.

  134 Ibid. 16.73.3, 16.77.4, 20.10.6.

  135 Ibid. 16.79.5–16.81.4; Plutarch Tim. 27.2–28.6.

  136 Diodorus 16.82.3.

  137 In cities, such as Messana, substantial numbers of Campanian and southern-Italian mercenaries had been settled there by Dionysius (Lomas 2006, 112–14).

  138 Mildenberg 1989, 6–12.

  139 Visonà 1998, 6–7.

  CHAPTER 5: IN THE SHADOW OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: CARTHAGE AND AGATHOCLES

  1 Arrian Anabasis 2.16.7–2.24.5; Plutarch Alex. 24.3–4; Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.2.2–4.4.19.

  2 Arrian Anabasis 2.24.6.

  3 Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.3.19; Arrian Anabasis 2.24.5. This visit probably fitted in with the celebration of the egersis in February/March. The Tyrians had also sent their women and children to Carthage for safety once the siege had started (Diodorus 17.41.1, 17.46.4; Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.3.20).

  4 Justin 21.6.

  5 Isaac 2004, 283–303.

  6 Diodorus 13.108.3–5.

  7 Diodorus 17.2. Arrian (Anabasis 2.16.4–7) also states that it was ‘not the Argive Heracles, son of Alcmena’ but ‘Tyrian Heracles’.

  8 Diodorus 11.1.4.

  9 Ibid. 11.24.1.

  10 Ibid. 11.23.2, 11.26.5.

  11 Ibid. 20.13.1–3. Hence the Carthaginian general Hannibal who led the 410 expedition is labelled as ‘by nature . . . a hater of all Greeks’ (ibid. 13.43.6).

  12 Plutarch Tim. 18.7.

  13 Diodorus 13.57, 14.48–53, 14.63.1–3, 14.70.4, 14.73.5, 14.74.4; Athenaeus 12.541A–B.

  14 For Greek mercenaries fighting on the Carthaginian side see Diodorus 20.38.6, 20.39.5. For Greeks living in Carthage see ibid. 14.77.4–5. During the Sicilian wars, Carthage had periodically supported Sicilian Greek dissidents who were seeking to bring about regime change in Syracuse (Plutarch Tim. 2.1–2; Diodorus 16.67.1–3). This support had also meant that the city had become a place of refuge for Sicilian Greeks who had been forced out of their own cities. Indeed, Polybius (7.2.3–4) mentions two brothers, Epicydes and Hippocrates, officers in the Carthaginian army, who had been brought up in the North African metropolis after their grandfather had been forced to flee Syracuse after being accused of assassinating one of the sons of Agathocles. For Greeks in Carthage during the third century BC see Galvagno 2006.

  15 Diodorus 5.3.1–3; Pearson 1975, 186–7.

  16 Diodorus 14.77.4–5.

  17 See for instance a dedication in Carthage to ‘Lady Ammas [Demeter], the Lady Mistress of the Netherworld’ (KAI 83): Krahmalkov 2000, 177; Moscati 1986, 73.

  18 Jenkins & Lewis 1963, Group III.

  19 Moscati 1986, 47–8.

  20 Van Dommelen 1988, 151–6.

  21 Positioned underneath the god was often a lotus flower, the traditional Phoenician symbol of life and renaissance (Bonnet 1986, 182–6).

  22 For instance a ritual razor has been discovered at Utica which shows Heracles fighting against the giant bull. This motif is heavily influenced by the coinage produced by the Greek Sicilian cities of Selinus and Solus (ibid., 195). Several perfume bottles have also been discovered showing Heracles, and in one case Heracles with Achilles.

  23 Lancel 1995, 207.

  24 Athenaeus 392d.

  25 Bonnet 1986, 220–22.

  26 Green 1990, 187.

  27 Cf. Diodorus 19.2.1–19.9.7 for the early career and rise to autocratic power of Agathocles.

  28 Cf. ibid. 17.23.2–3; Zambon 2006 for the association between Agathocles and Alexander. />
  29 Zambon 2006, 82–3.

  30 Plautus Mostellaria 775–7.

  31 Hoyos 1994, 255–6.

  32 Isocrates Nicocles 24.

  33 Until the third century BC, generals were selected from the political elite and had usually held the suffeture (Drews 1979, 55). Popular Assembly = Aristotle Pol. 2.8.9; Diodorus 25.8.

  34 Diodorus 20.10.2–4.

  35 Pearson 1987, 41.

  36 Justin 22.2.

  37 Diodorus 19.71.6–7.

  38 Ibid. 19.72.1–2.

  39 Justin 22.3; Diodorus 19.72.2.

  40 Diodorus 19.106.1–4.

  41 Ibid. 19.106.5–19.110.5.

  42 Ibid. 19.106.5, 20.3.1–3.

  43 Ibid. 20.3.3.

  44 Ibid. 20.4.1–8.

  45 Ibid. 20.5.1–20.7.5.

  46 Ibid.

  47 Justin 22.5.

  48 Diodorus 20.8.1–7, 20.9.2–5.

  49 Ibid. 20.10.1–2.

  50 Ibid. 20.10.5–20.13.2.

  51 Ibid. 20.14.1–7; Lactantius Div. Inst. 1.21.

  52 CIS i.3914.

  53 Diodorus 20.31.1–2.

  54 Ibid. 20.29.2–20.30.2, 20.33.1–2.

  55 Zambon 2006, 82–3.

  56 Diodorus 20.33.2–8.

  57 Ibid. 20.33.2–20.34.7.

  58 Ibid. 20.40.1–20.42.5.

  59 Ibid. 20.44.1–6.

  60 Ibid. 20.54.1–20.55.5.

  61 Ibid. 20.59.1–20.61.4.

  62 Ibid. 20.64.1–20.69.3.

  63 Justin 22.8.

  64 Diodorus 20.69.3–5.

  65 Mildenberg 1989, 10–12; Visonà 1998, 7.

  66 Visonà 1992, 15; 1998, 9–11.

  67 Jenkins 1978, 5–19. For a period these coins had been produced simultaneously at two different mints, before the mhsbm issues took over completely.

  68 This change has been recognized as significant by a number of scholars. Manfredi (1999, 72) prefers to see it as ‘the outcome of the progressive normalization of Punic administration in Sicily which no longer needed any special legitimation’.

  69 Jenkins & Lewis 1963, Groups IV to VII. Mildenberg 1989, 10, for these coins being produced from the end of the fourth century.

  70 See Zambon 2006, 80–82, for the changes in the coinage of Agathocles, which reflect his new royal status; Diodorus 20.54.1.

  71 Diodorus 21.16.4 attributes the disease to poison that was applied through a quill which Agathocles used to clean his teeth.