But what does the murder of Alfonso, Duke of Biceglie, indicate of the relationship between Alexander VI and Cesare Borgia? Understandably, all manner of exaggerated rumours swept Rome after the murder and hurried burial of Alfonso ‘at dead of night . . . with scant ceremony in the chapel of Callixtus III in S. Peter’s’. According to one commentator: ‘Cesare murdered his brother, slept with his sister, spent the treasure of the Church, and was the terror of his father Alexander.’ This is the legend that has come down to us, and it is difficult to deny that there is much to support most of this lurid portrait. The Venetian ambassador reported home: ‘The Pope loves and fears his son, who is twenty-seven,* physically most beautiful, he is tall and well-made . . . he is munificent, even prodigal, and this displeases the Pope.’ The ageing Alexander VI depended upon his son Cesare for the fulfilment of his plans, just as Cesare needed the Pope’s backing. Alexander VI was the strategist and Cesare the agent who acted upon his instructions. But it was becoming clear that Alexander VI was increasingly losing control over his impulsive son. Cesare was evidently aware of much of his father’s subtle, long-term strategy, but on occasion lacked sufficient discipline to adhere to his father’s more immediate instructions.
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*These were a particular problem in the Italy of this period, where young men were not usually in a position to get married until at least their late twenties, whilst most girls were married off in their teens and were required to be virgins.
*The Piazza Fiammetta, a wide street near the Piazza Navona, is named after her. This was the site of her main residence, which Cesare Borgia was frequently observed entering, and slipping out of, at night.
*In Spain, during this period, bullfighting was reserved for the nobility, in much the same way as jousting was restricted in other parts of Europe. The contest was between one man on horseback armed with a pike, and a bull with long, sharp horns. Fighting on foot, and the practice of blunting the horns, were not established until over 200 years later.
*Italics in the original.
*Cesare Borgia was, of course, still just twenty-four at the time of Alfonso’s murder.
CHAPTER 12
THE SECOND ROMAGNA CAMPAIGN
ON 2 OCTOBER 1500 Cesare Borgia led his army of 7,700 out of Rome up the Ancient Roman Via Flaminia, which led north across the Apennines towards the Adriatic Coast. His army consisted of a mixed group of Swiss, Italian and Spanish soldiers, led by their assorted commanders, which included the Italians Vitellozzo, Paolo and Giulio Orsini, and Gian Paolo Baglioni of Perugia, as well as the notorious Miguel da Corella. Despite the need to lead his force at speed across the mountains, Cesare unexpectedly decided to stop off at Nepi en route. Here he paused his entire campaign while he paid a visit to his sister Lucrezia. Details of this encounter remain unknown. Prior to it, Lucrezia had remained inconsolable on account of the murder of her husband Alfonso, signing all her letters la infelicissima (‘the most unhappy woman’). To reinforce this, after signing her name she would emphatically cross out her title ‘Princess of Salerno’ (besides being Duke of Bisceglie, Alfonso had also been Prince of Salerno). Yet Cesare’s visit appears to have been a consolation to her, heralding her recovery no less. Within months, Lucrezia would happily return to Rome and live in the Vatican, as before, with her father. And relations with her father appear to have been as close and happy as ever. Though she does not seem to have been aware that Alexander VI was already scheming for her to make yet another strategic marriage.
After leaving Nepi, Cesare Borgia returned to his mercenary troops, who had been reinforced by 2,200 French soldiers sent by Louis XII. This now made up a considerable force, which, according to no less a source than Machiavelli, contained ‘nearly all the professional soldiers in Italy’. Heavy winter rain in the Apennine passes made for slow progress, with artillery and heavy cannon constantly getting stuck in mud. Even so, it was clear to all that Borgia was by now in command of an army which could strike anywhere in Italy. By this stage every state in the peninsula had intelligence of his movements, yet his ultimate destination still remained unclear. This was precisely what Cesare Borgia intended (though it is far from certain that this was also part of his father’s plan). Where would Borgia’s army strike first? Was he taking a roundabout route, before suddenly turning west to take Florence? Or would he press north to take Bologna? Or would he continue along the Via Flaminia to the Adriatic Coast? When it became clear that he was taking the last of these three options, Giovanni Sforza, Lord of Pesaro and Lucrezia’s first husband, immediately fled for his life. He had no wish to suffer the same fate as her second husband, which would certainly have resulted if he had been captured. On 27 October, amidst pouring rain, Cesare Borgia rode triumphantly into Pesaro, at the head of his retinue of 150 men-at-arms, all decked out in his personal red and yellow livery. Here he took up residence at the former Lord of Pesaro’s palazzo, insisting upon occupying the very bedchamber where Giovanni Sforza and his sister had slept during the time of their marriage.
Within days, various foreign envoys began arriving – most notably Pandolfo Collenuccio, who had been sent as an envoy by the Duke of Ferrara. All wished to obtain an audience with Cesare Borgia, in order to learn of his future plans. As early as 18 October the Venetian Signoria had agreed to grant Cesare Borgia the title Gentiluomo di Venezia (‘Honorary Citizen of Venice’) in the hope that this would dissuade him from leading his army into Venetian territory. But what about nearby Ferrara? Initially, Borgia had refused to meet the Ferrarese envoy Collenuccio, who was informed that Il Valentino was suffering from an ‘ulcer’. According to other sources, he was in fact suffering from ‘a sore in the groin’. Evidently symptoms of Cesare Borgia’s syphilis had begun to recur. When Collenuccio was at last granted an audience with Borgia he was unable to extract any cast-iron guarantees with regard to Ferrara. This uncertainty persisted, despite several further meetings.
Prior to entering the service of the Duke of Ferrara, Collenuccio had already established a reputation as a humanist philosopher and poet; consequently, his reports back to Ferrara at this time are certainly of interest. He paints a vivid and incisive picture of Cesare Borgia:
He is a brave and powerful character, capable of largesse of spirit, who prefers to deal with plain-speaking men . . . He is filled with aspiration and has a longing for greatness and renown.
But Collenuccio could not avoid noticing a darker side to Cesare, referring to him as being ‘ruthless when it came to revenge’. Collenuccio does, however, appear to have misjudged one aspect of Cesare Borgia’s character, commenting that ‘he appears to be much more interested in defeating states, with little interest in possessing them or organizing their governance’. This, as we have seen, was not the case with his first campaign in the Romagna, and would certainly not be the case with his second. Collenuccio was also fascinated by Cesare Borgia’s habits and apparently eccentric daily routine:
He lives his daily routine as follows. He does not go to bed until between 3 o’clock in the morning and 5 o’clock in the morning.* This means that he does not get up until around 2 in the afternoon. As soon as he is dressed he sits down at the table, and it is here that he attends to the business of the day.
Despite Collenuccio’s evidence, this was not Borgia’s permanent regime. For instance, it would have been impossible for him to conduct his military campaign adhering to such hours. On the other hand, Borgia was renowned for keeping to a nocturnal routine when he could. Two reasons may account for this. Firstly, it is possible that the syphilitic ‘blooms’ had begun to reappear on his face. These would have been far less discernible by candlelight. Also, suitably positioned candles in the darkness of his chamber lent a dramatic effect to his presence, which he often used to intimidate his audience – in particular foreign envoys, or on occasion even his commanders.
Imola and Forli had fallen to Cesare Borgia on his first Romagna campaign, and he now sought to form a territorial link between these
two cities and his most recent conquests. Having taken Pesaro on the Adriatic, he marched north up the coast to Rimini, stronghold of the notorious Malatesta family. The outrageous yet ‘humanist’ condottiere Sigismondo Malatesta had long since died, and the city was now ruled by his grandson Pandolfo Malatesta, who lacked even an iota of his ancestor’s civilizing culture or military skills. In fact, he was no more than an odious thug, and like many such characters he fled at the first sign of any real danger. Consequently, Cesare Borgia was welcomed into Rimini by its citizenry.
From here Borgia led his troops north-west up the ancient Roman Via Emelia, where only Cesena and Faenza lay between him and his captured territory at Imola and Forli, which had been left under the rule of his Spanish governor Ramiro de Lorqua. Cesena, which had also previously been under Malatesta rule, simply surrendered, but Faenza chose to resist. The ruling Manfredi family were popular, and even though the present ruler Astorre III Manfredi was just fifteen years old, the population rallied around him. The citizens locked the gates and manned the battlements, preparing to face Borgia’s forces, which duly arrived on 17 November. Two days later a surprise attack by Borgia’s troops was repulsed with heavy loss of life, and Borgia prudently decided it would be better to lay siege to the city and starve it into submission. But this proved no simple matter. According to the contemporary local chronicler Bernardino Zambotti, writing some weeks later in December:
Duke Cesare’s troops who were camped around Faenza have moved because of the heavy snow and severe frosts, and also because more than 800 of them have been killed in the fighting. The men of Faenza are defending vigorously and there are 2,000 brave soldiers in the city . . . The duke has retired to the castle at Forli for his safety and his men have set up their winter camp around Imola.
Meanwhile, serious divisions were becoming evident amongst Borgia’s forces. Two months earlier, as his army had passed through the territory of his commander Baglioni on its way towards the Romagna, the uncouth behaviour of the Spanish soldiers had outraged the local Italian inhabitants. The contemporary Perugian chronicler Francesco Matarazzo recorded what took place when they passed through the city of Perugia and the surrounding Umbrian countryside:
The Spaniards washed the feet of their horses in wine, and what they could not drink or consume they spilled on the earth. And when they went away . . . they threw in excrement into all the casks of muscat wine [and] shat on the floor under all the tables at which they ate . . . All the jars of confections . . . they emptied and then filled with excrement . . . and where they had been none could go for the stench.
Such behaviour quickly led to the Italian soldiers developing a deep hatred for the Spanish contingents – hard men, who themselves held the Italian soldiers in contempt for their manners and more civilized habits. As a result, Borgia was forced to take great pains to ensure these groups were kept apart. When it came to setting up winter quarters, the Italian and the Spanish contingents were forced to camp outside different cities. Borgia also issued orders to his Spanish commanders that far stricter discipline was to be maintained amongst their troops. Such outrages as they had perpetrated in Perugia and Umbrian territory were not to be tolerated in the Romagna. Soldiers found guilty of wanton rape and pillage were to be publicly hanged before the populace, and all troops were to pay the locals for provisions. Borgia remained determined to ensure that his rule was welcomed by the people of the Romagna.
The winter break would last for some months, and during this time Borgia decided that Cesena, with its strategic position on the Via Emilia, and access to the sea ten miles away at Porto Cesenatico, was to be the capital of the new Borgia state. Here he celebrated Christmas in style, inviting all the local dignitaries to his residence, the former Palazzo Malatesta, for a Christmas Eve banquet. Christmas Day saw a series of competitive games in the main square, which were much enjoyed by the citizenry. During the following days Cesare Borgia and a group of his friends took to riding out to the country villages, taking part in running races and feats of strength with the local peasants. A contemporary chronicler recorded how Borgia himself
ran as swiftly as a horse, and many times ran races with the youths, to whom he gave a start and passed them nonetheless. With his bare hands he could break a horseshoe and any thick cord.
All this would inspire a lasting loyalty amongst the tough peasants of the Romagna, who were used to cruel tyranny. They had never before been ruled by such a charismatic lord, let alone played games with him.
Borgia now travelled on to Forli, where he remained for three weeks – though few, even amongst his own soldiers, knew that he was in the city. Borgia had returned to his nocturnal regime, and word he had received from Alexander VI had suddenly made him wary of traitors. He also took this time to prepare the next surprise moves in his campaign, which he had been instructed to carry out by his father.
Back in Rome, Alexander VI continued with his diplomatic attempts to persuade European states to contribute to the Venetian-led crusade against the Ottoman Turks. As early as October he had despatched papal legates to Spain, Portugal, France, the German states, as well as Denmark and Sweden. Fundraising for the crusade had begun in earnest, and all would be required to despatch significant sums to the papal exchequer. Military contributions would also be expected. The renowned Spanish military leader Gonsalvo de Córdoba soon arrived in Venice with a fleet of fifty-six ships. The crusader fleet was now ready to set sail, led by the powerful Venetian navy. It was at least partly in gratitude to Alexander VI for this reinforcement that the Venetian Signoria had awarded his son Cesare the title Gentiluomo di Venezia.
By December 1500 the combined Venetian–Spanish fleet had driven the Ottomans from the strategic Ionian island of Kefalonia at the mouth of the Adriatic. For this, and his ensuing part in turning back the Ottoman tide, Gonsalvo de Córdoba would become known as ‘El Gran Capitan’. Alexander VI had now learned that after the proposed French and Spanish takeover of Naples, and its partition between these two powers, the Spanish were intending to appoint Gonsalvo as the military commander of their portion of Naples. Gonsalvo was a man to be wary of: a headstrong general who might easily renege on any agreement and try to implement a Spanish takeover of the entire kingdom. Alexander VI was well aware that the joint takeover of Naples was bound to involve difficulties, but conflict between Spain and France was to be avoided at all costs.
Alexander VI was also deeply concerned that Cesare Borgia should stick to the plans they had agreed for the Romagna. Alexander VI wished his son to secure this territory with the minimum possible aggression towards any of the bordering states. Florence certainly felt threatened, now that Cesare Borgia had occupied the territory which lay between the eastern border of its Tuscan hinterland and the Adriatic Coast, formerly an important commercial route linking Florence to ports which enabled it to trade valuable commodities with the eastern Mediterranean. Siena, south of Florence, had now allied itself with Alexander VI, adding further to Florentine fears. The republican leaders of Florence were well aware that Alexander VI favoured a restoration of the former Medici rulers. A republican government, which could be voted in or out of office by the will of the people in genuine elections, set an uncomfortable precedent. Not only for the Pope, but for many rulers in the Italian peninsula. However, the Florentine Signoria was reassured by the existence of its firm alliance with France – ironically, a hangover from the time of Savonarola and his lasting impression on Charles VIII that he was the ‘instrument of God’. When Louis XII succeeded Charles VIII he had reassured Florence of his continued support. The city of Florence, and indeed all the province of Tuscany which remained within its control, would remain under French protection.
Despite Alexander VI’s strenuous diplomatic activities on behalf of the crusade and Venice, as well as his continuing attempt to mastermind his son Cesare’s campaign in the Romagna, the seventy-year-old Alexander VI seemed in remarkably good health. According to the Venetian ambassador, he
&
nbsp; looks younger every day. He never lets his worries keep him from sleep, is continually cheerful, and never does anything unless he wants to: his children are his main concern: other matters do not trouble him.
Alexander VI well knew that the future of his ambitions lay in the hands of Cesare and Lucrezia.
Back in the Romagna, with winter coming to an end, Cesare Borgia was reassembling his troops. On 28 February 1501 he entertained his Spanish contingent to a bullfight in Imola. During the following month 2,000 new French troops arrived and the siege of Faenza resumed in earnest. Despite being heavily outnumbered and outgunned, the citizens of this small city put up a spirited defence. They were inspired to hold out by their popular and strikingly handsome teenage ruler Astorre III Manfredi, aided by his half-brother Giovanni. Even so, by mid-April the continuous bombardment from the heavy French cannon had begun to take its terrible toll on the all but starving inhabitants. On 25 April Astorre III finally surrendered. Cesare Borgia, in his effort to win the hearts of the Romagna people, decided to be magnanimous. He declared his admiration for Astorre III Manfredi and his brother, offering them gifts and assuring them that they would be welcome to enrol in his army.
As early as the evening of 26 April 1501 news reached Rome that Faenza had surrendered to Cesare Borgia. The event was celebrated the next day with a great feast and public rejoicing, the roar of cannon sounded from the ramparts of the Castel Sant Angelo and peals of church bells rang out over the city, as bonfires blazed into the night. At the following consistory Alexander VI awarded his son the title Duke of Romagna. This marked a considerable promotion: not until 1532 would Florence be elevated to a dukedom. And furthermore, Alexander VI declared that Cesare Borgia would hold the dukedom ‘in his own name’. This qualification is of deep significance. It reinforced the fact that Cesare Borgia was not retaking the Papal Territories in the name of the Pope; he was openly and incontrovertibly establishing a hereditary Borgia dukedom.
The Borgias Page 24