by Laura D
In our society, whatever form prostitution takes, it remains highly stigmatised and prostitutes2 are still perceived in the collective imagination as 'marginal' figures because they are 'reduced to selling their bodies'. When it comes to student prostitution, the feeling of unease is only amplified. The image we have of a prostitute – a foreign woman waiting for clients on street corners3 – seems incompatible with the way we perceive students. And yet, as Laura's testimony proves, student prostitution is very much a reality in France. Why is it then that in a major world power whose education system – although criticised with good cause – is often cited as a fine example, some students should have to turn to prostitution?
To date there has been no serious study to put an accurate figure on the scale of the problem – the oft quoted '40,000' is not based on any scientific investigation and is therefore merely an estimate – but Laura's story and my own study of the world of student escorts bring certain elements to light and offer a number of keys to understanding the huge question of student prostitution.
1. STUDENT PROSTITUTION, A COMPLEX REALITY
In the present day there are as many different social categories4 of prostitute as there are places in which prostitution takes place and ways in which a person can prostitute themselves. With this in mind, the anthropologist and political analyst Janine Mossuz-Lavau explains that it would now be more appropriate to refer to 'prostitutions' in the plural rather than 'prostitution', 'because the circumstances are so diverse'.5 Each location (studio apartments, bars, nightclubs, the internet, massage parlours, motorway services, woods, camper vans . . .) corresponds to a particular version of prostitution with its own key players, its own codes, specifics, rates, clients, restraints and risks. Of course, students who turn to prostitution are also subject to this diversity. So some students may choose to work the streets6 while others solicit on campus or in 'small ads', and receive clients in their student halls of residence, and still others prostitute themselves in alcoves in much publicised 'hostess bars' (also known as 'bars à bouchon') or 'massage parlours', and some – like Laura – elect to use the internet to sell their sexual favours. Student prostitution is, therefore, not a homogenous reality since it covers a diversity of forms and practices.
Even so, the democratisation of access to new means of communication – such as Minitel in the 1980s and the internet and mobile phones now – seems to have intensified the development of 'amateur' (as opposed to 'professional') and 'occasional' prostitution, areas in which the student category is fairly visible.
Amongst the many different facets of student prostitution, this postface is intended to shed some light on a particular form of prostitution – the very form practised by Laura – and that is voluntary prostitution, exercised independently (without a pimp) and sporadically by students using the internet.
The Internet and Student 'Escort Girls'
In the world of prostitution, the Minitel of the 1980s with is famous 'messageries rose' and now the internet offer not inconsiderable advantages as much to clients (demand) as to those wanting to prostitute themselves (supply). Apart from the diversity of choice and constant updating, the internet means that – at any time of day or night, in any place and at minimal cost – people can meet discreetly with complete peace of mind because it provides 'comfortable and reassuring anonymity'.7 Furthermore, the internet naturally makes the work of the police more laborious: 'Prostitutes operating via the internet risk very little because, although they could be pursued for soliciting, they do not constitute a priority for the police.'8 In the light of this, many former street prostitutes and other 'anonymous' ones – including students – are turning to this area of activity for themselves.
The most visible offers of paid sexual services on the internet are for 'escorts'. Originally, this service simply meant acting as an escort for a client, accompanying someone (usually a man) to parties, restaurants, theatres . . . In this situation, sexual activities are not included in the contract but are still implicitly possible, considered a private act between the escort and his or her client. This ambiguity explains the fact that escorts are often compared to 'high-class prostitutes', because they fulfil a specific requirement. 'They are expected to be charming, attractive and distinguished, but also to have intellectual qualities suitable for escorting clients who often move in elevated social circles.'9 This sort of 'accompaniment' activity still exists and is mostly handled through agencies, but the term 'escort' is now used by virtually all prostitutes operating on the internet, whatever 'level of service' they may be offering. As a result, the word 'escort' covers a variety of meanings: 'Former street prostitutes driven off their patch, professionals with diaries full of appointments, foreigners exploited by prostitution rings10 or even occasional "call-girls".'11
Escorts, whether they are 'professional' or 'amateur' like Laura, solicit and communicate through advertisements on specialised or more general websites which have sections called 'rencontres vénales' (meetings for payment) or 'rencontres pour adultes' (meetings for adults). These advertisements essentially give precise information about the services offered. They might include, for example, the escort's body measurements, age, availability, rates and the area in which he or she works, and occasionally a brief paragraph detailing his or her services as well as 'taboos'.12
A fair number of escorts also have their own website or blog. These personalised sites are generally fairly rudimentary in design and interface, and most follow a standard layout. First a window opens and makes it clear that the surfer should be eighteen or over to investigate further. Once inside the site, there is a text – often written by the escort herself – describing her in some detail. Some restrict themselves to physical descriptions while others refer to their interests, marital status and the reason they have turned to prostitution . . . This text also gives the escort an opportunity to reveal her expectations of a paid appointment with a client and of the client's behaviour (how, when and where they can meet, views on sexual practices, type of client . . .). Then a number of different headings are used to pinpoint the exact service offered by the escort. Usually, there is a list of acceptable services and one of those the escort refuses to practise; her rates (by the hour, for an evening, the whole night or more); availability ('work schedule'); and lastly a contact page where the escort gives her email address and/ormobile number. Very often there is a 'photo gallery' to illustrate the blog and show the escort in various different lights. It is true to say that very few 'non-professional escorts' show their faces in these photographs. Generally speaking, those who choose to hide their faces do so essentially to disguise their identity because their friends and family are unaware of their activities as a prostitute and/or escorting is not their only occupation. Thesewomen often have another 'official' occupation (as a student, for example) and turn to prostitution occasionally (a few times a month).
For these 'occasional prostitutes' – whether they are secretaries, housewives, solicitors, unemployed, students, etc. – their prostitution remains secondary. 'Occasionals' are therefore mostly independent (working for themselves) and their activities as prostitutes are undertaken as a personal choice – made under difficult circumstances no doubt but none the less a rational choice. Almost inevitably, as Malika Nor13 points out, occasional independent prostitutes are generally not recognised as such by social services (and that, in fact, is why no organisation – whether institutional or an association – has a clear idea of real statistics for student prostitution). The author adds that this sort of 'voluntary prostitution is usually motivated by money, either because the practice proves extremely well paid and lucrative, or because it only represents a complementary source of income or one needed as a vital minimum'.
The choice of prostitution – and the possibility of leading a 'double life' – is unquestionably facilitated by the internet. According to Yann Reuzeau's analysis, 'nowadays, a goodmany prostitutes start out on the internet. Of them, a lot would never have done it with
out this "falsely" virtual opportunity [. . .], because what's really new about the internet is that it opens up this profession to absolutely anyone. A basic computer, an internet connection, a couple of photos, fifteen minutes tops and bang, you're an escort!'14 In fact, by referring back to Laura's testimony, we can see that it is precisely by surfing the internet that students so quickly and easily stumble across a multitude of explicit small ads. Driven by curiosity and a need for money, while still feeling 'protected' behind her computer screen, it is on the internet that Laura finds '[the] solution [. . . she's] been looking for. A bit of comfort, and soon.'
At first sight, it may seem surprising to find students on the prostitution circuit. And yet we know that the student population is far from 'rolling in money', and that many of them have to have jobs alongside their university obligations.15 Furthermore, a large proportion of work on offer compatible with a student's timetable is not very lucrative, or even underpaid. It is, therefore, hardly surprising that 'for a young person on a fragile financial footing, it is very tempting when you consider the draw of the sums involved in this sort of activity'.16
2. WHAT SORT OF STUDENTS PROSTITUTE THEMSELVES VIA THE INTERNET?
It is difficult to establish a 'typical profile' of students who prostitute themselves via the internet. There is however one point that emerges clearly within this population: virtually all the advertisements online are from girls. In fact a close inspection of press articles on the subject in the last twelve months reveals that journalists make no reference at all to male student prostitution. For many people, practising prostitution is 'a woman's thing' and, by extension, student prostitution concerns only female students. Granted, advertisements from male student prostitutes are as good as absent from the Web but that does not in itself mean that male student prostitution does not exist.17 If we accept this, then rather than thinking of prostitution as 'reserved' for women, perhaps we should ask ourselves about this difference between the sexes. If then, in prostitution, women are over-represented in terms of supply and men are over-represented in terms of demand, this derives from the fact that prostitution is anchored in a complex unequal system of gender relations. In this system, female sexuality (a social construct) stays under the control of male 'sex drive' (perceived as 'natural' when it too is a social construct). Acknowledging this mechanism of domination and power by men over women is a crucial part of understanding the occurrence of prostitution as a whole and the question of female student prostitution.
Having said that, we do know that the majority of student prostitutes are female. Furthermore, according to various journalistic sources consulted on the subject, female students who turn to prostitution essentially do so because they need the money and do not have enough time to take on sufficiently well paid work while continuing with their studies. In order to explain the choice of prostitution, the media put the emphasis on students' precarious financial situations in the face of a constantly rising cost of living. These are in fact the very reasons that drove Laura to prostitution. Like many students at university, Laura comes from an average background and her living standards depend heavily on those of her family. According to institutional criteria and definitions, though, her family is not 'in need' because both her parents work full time and are paid incomes deemed 'adequate' to provide for the whole family's needs. In reality, however, even with two people on the minimum wage, many of these 'average' families have to learn to 'tighten their belts' to lead a proper life.
All the same, financial problems – linked to the student's social background18 – cannot be held solely responsible for students choosing prostitution. Indeed not all students 'struggling to make ends meet' turn to prostitution! And not all student escorts need the money literally to survive.19 Seen in this context, the image of the 'poor little student girl' put forward by the media requires some qualifying.
3. WHAT MAKES STUDENTS TURN TO PROSTITUTION?
According to my research, students turn to prostitution as a response to a variety of discrepancies (some of them deeply affecting) in their lives. The reasons and motives that drive them towards making the choice can, therefore, vary depending on their experiences, and this in itself contributes to the diversity of student prostitutes.
For some, like Laura, prostitution is first and foremost a means to an end – earning money – so that they can carry on with their studies. For others it represents a sort of 'forbidden fantasy' which allows them to break with traditional family values. For yet others, it is more to do with taking 'revenge' on men for whom they performed sexual favours for free. From these diverse circumstances (which are by no means exhaustive), three patterns of discrepancy emerge: social and financial discrepancies, discrepancies concerning family morality and discrepancies about love and unpaid sexual relations. Clearly these patterns are not rigid, and some students combine two or three of these elements.
(a) Social and Financial Discrepancies – Students Prepared to Do Anything to Succeed
Some students choose to prostitute themselves to finance their studies, pay the rent or just make ends meet. One of the causes that leads to this practice is undeniably a link with the impoverishment of the student population. On this subject, Guillaume Houzel – chairman of the Observatoire de la Vie Étudiante (OVE) – states that 'In the last few years we have seen growing pressure on students' purchasing power. With the rise in house prices, their accommodation costs have gone up . . . but their grants have not.'20 According to the Dauriac report21 on the precarious financial position of students, 100,000 students in higher education live on the poverty line set at approximately 650 euros per month per person. The OVE claims that more than 45,000 students now live in extreme poverty and 225,000 struggle to finance their studies.22 It is important to remember that this impoverishment affects a particular category of student – those whose parents cannot or do not want to support them financially and who, therefore, have to cope entirely (or virtually) on their own to pay for their own needs and continue with their studies.
Like Laura, student escorts from lower- and middle-class backgrounds currently experience a variety of social and financial shortfalls in their day-to-day student life, and these shortfalls compromise – to a greater or lesser extent – their efforts to pursue a higher education. Now, for these students academic success is of paramount importance. Apart from personal gratification, having a higher education opens up the possibility of building on their ambitions – of 'making something of themselves' – and ensuring they have a more 'comfortable' lifestyle than they have experienced at home. But neither these students themselves nor their families have sufficient financial resources fully to back up these ambitions. In this situation, prostitution emerges as an alternative way of 'following [their] dreams'.
A number of authors23 agree that there is not a level playing field in financing student life and that the – mostly financial – benefits enjoyed by those from wealthier backgrounds but absent for those from less fortunate families means there is inequality of access to higher education. The State, conscious of these 'unequal opportunities', has set up a scheme that can give financial help to a proportion of young people (means-tested grants, ability-related grants, allocated housing etc.), therefore offering them a 'fundamental step up the social ladder'.24 Still, this system is obviously not without its faults (we should remember that Laura is not entitled to a grant) and only partly covers students' needs. Over five years their inevitable expenses – enrolment fees, social security, accommodation, canteen meals etc. – have increased by 23 per cent while university grants and allocated accommodation have increased by only 10 per cent. In these circumstances, a great many students are forced to take on some form of paid occupation alongside their studies.
In 2003 45.5 per cent of French students undertook paid work during the course of the university year (excluding the summer vacation).25 By studying a case such as Laura's – she works fifteen hours a week for a telesales company as well as her twenty hours a week of
university commitments and time spent on coursework – we can measure the extent to which a 'student job' handicaps her ability to study properly. She is permanently tired and this takes a toll on her health. This real-life case mirrors the findings of the OVE which highlight the fact that taking on paid work at the same time as studying increases the 'risks of failing or giving up'26 at university. These risks derive from the competing needs – mostly in terms of time – of a 'student job' and the requirements of a university course. It is in fact in these terms, according to the OVE, that we need to accept and understand the precariousness of student life. In this sort of situation, prostitution gives students from less fortunate social backgrounds the opportunity to pursue their studies in more favourable financial circumstances – day-to-day needs such as rent and food shopping are covered – while leaving them enough time for their course work, giving them a chance to pass the end-of-year exams.
This strategy may seem logical, but we should still stop to think about the price these girls from average and modest backgrounds are having to pay in order to have access to higher education and to come out with a degree. Clearly, the social ladder and the path to 'success' are far from egalitarian!
(b) Discrepancies in Family Morality – Students Wanting to Escape Their Shackles
For some students prostitution is not directly related to a need for money, but rather a desire to break away from traditional family values and satisfy 'forbidden fantasies'.
Even though sexuality may not now be completely 'free' because – as with all forms of social interaction – it falls within particular kinds of relationships (between the sexes, different social classes, generations, cultures . . .), it is perceived on the surface as less and less codified.27 On this subject, Michel Bozon points out that one of the major changes in inter-generation relationships between the 1960s and the first decade of the twenty-first century is that 'the parents' generation has now given up setting restrictive norms on the young'.28 The possibility of having 'a proper youth' (as distinct from childhood) has become increasingly widespread and the 'private autonomy' of the young is universally accepted. As such, parents no longer condemn the fact that their children have active sex lives – which are sometimes even lived out beneath their own roofs. Obviously, this does not hold true for every contemporary family; some adhere to traditional values – linked to religious morals – and exercise stricter controls on their children's sexuality.