In 129 BC, the famous orator and writer Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus and Tiberius Pandusa attacked and subjugated the Japodes and the Liburnians. After a rough start, he eventually made some headway and penetrated as far as the Krka River, bringing the Japodes and Liburnians under his control, at least for the time being. Just ten years later in 119 BC, the Romans were forced to yet again suppress the Japodes, this time led by Lucius Cornelius Cotta and Lucius Cecilius Metellus.48 Cotta and Metellus attacked and subjugated the Segestani tribe, but the Japodes and Segestani launched an offensive soon afterwards. Cotta turned back to Italy while his companion pressed onwards and attacked the Japodes. Not content with this, he marched on the Dalmatians, even though the Dalmatians had done nothing to provoke them. Appianus states that Metellus urged the war because he wanted to be granted a triumph. However, it was all a play; the Romans really weren’t going to attack the Dalmatians after all. Appianus states that when the Roman soldiers came to the land of the Dalmatians, they were received with friendship and hospitality, and spent the winter resting in Salona. During the following spring, Lucius Metellus returned to Rome. I imagine that he concocted some great lie about how he had subjugated and slaughtered the entire tribe and laid the entire country to waste. He was granted a triumph and given the agnomen Dalmaticus.49
The Dalmatians remained placid for forty years until trouble flared up with them yet again. By then, the Romans must have been groaning about having to constantly repeat their conquests. In 78 BC, the Dalmatians rebelled and seized control of the city of Salona. In response, the consul Gaius Consconius was sent against them. The war lasted for two years before the Dalmatians were driven out and Salona was once again in Roman hands.50
The Province of Illyricum
According to the Lex Vatinia, in 59 BC, Illyricum’s status changed from being a protectorate to a provincia, and the province’s first governor would be Gaius Julius Caesar.51 Despite its name, Illyricum was not a province in our modern sense of the word but was instead a ‘zone of responsibility’. Illyricum did not become a real Roman full-fledged administrative province until 27 BC, when the region was declared a propraetorial province under direct control of Caesar Augustus.
The settlement that became the capital of Roman Illyricum was Salona (modern-day Solin, Croatia), situated on the northern side of the mouth of the Jadro River. This was an ideal location for trade into the interior, but it was also established at this site for practical reasons. The area occupied by the city of Salona is one of the few areas of flat land in the vicinity; to the city’s east lies a range of ridges like fingers on a hand, and directly to the city’s north is a steep ridge measuring 1,800ft above sea level. In early days, Salona was a small coastal village of the Dalmatian tribe, which soon came under the economic influence of the Greeks. At first, the newcomers from the Greek colony of Issa set up a trading post within the village, but afterwards they essentially took over the place and Salona became a mixed Illyrian-Greek settlement. However, the village remained small and relatively unimportant until the Romans became interested in the area during the third century BC.52 The road connecting Salona with the Greek colony of Tragurion, the Via Munita, is the oldest-known road within the region of Dalmatia. Salona did possess stone walls at the time of its founding, possibly during the third century BC, but they only protected the city centre or acropolis, not the entire settlement. They were rather simple structures and did not have any towers. In fact, Julius Caesar writes that when he and his troops occupied Salona during the civil wars of the late Republic, they had to build wooden towers in order to better improve the town’s defences.53 Julius Caesar, who at that time was Governor of Illyricum, upgraded the town of Salona to the status of a colonia, a settlement for retired soldiers and their families, and it underwent a massive expansion programme to accommodate all of its new residents. Its full name was Colonia Martia Julia Salona, ‘Julius Caesar’s Military Colony of Salona’, but it appears that hardly anyone back then referred to it by this long-winded title.54
A more prominent settlement located only two-and-a-half miles away from Salona was Spalathos (modern-day Split, Croatia). Spalathos, named after a type of thorn bush that grows in the area to this day, was originally a Greek trading outpost founded in the sixth century BC that had grown to substantial size due to continued connections with the Greek homeland, other Greek colonies, and with the native Illyrians. When the Romans took over Illyria, the town was renamed Spalatum. Salona was built up and made the provincial capital, while neighbouring Spalatum was almost neglected. It would not be until the latter years of the Roman Empire’s existence that Salona would fall by the wayside and Spalatum would again rise to prominence.
Figure 10: Map of ancient Salona. The solid line represents the old stone walls of the city that were in existence by the late first century BC, while the dotted line represents a second series of walls that were constructed much later when the city had expanded substantially in size. At first, the only major road that passed through the city was the Via Munita, which formed the via principalis or ‘main street’ within the city itself. Later, new roads were constructed linking Salona to other settlements. (Illustration by the author)
Although the Romans attempted to the best of their abilities to maintain constant control over the city of Salona, it periodically fell into the hands of the native Illyrians. The Romans had to fight hard to take it back from them: in 78 BC it was retaken by Casconius; in 39 BC it was retaken by Asinius Pollio; and in 33 BC it was taken by Gaius Octavianus, later to become Caesar Augustus. After obtaining control of the city, Octavianus reconfirmed its status as a colonia and expanded the city’s walls so that they encompassed the entire city. He also improved the fortifications by adding large stone towers at regular intervals along the walls.55
Because Salona had been occupied for so long, and successive periods of building, destruction and rebuilding had occurred, very little of the city’s structure dating to the time of Caesar Augustus has been found. The clearest evidence of what Salona looked like during the BC-AD years are the fortifications that were built on Augustus’ orders. These have lasted largely due to their sheer massive size, which makes them more likely to survive the ravages of both man and time than smaller or more delicate buildings. The base of a giant gate called the Porta Caesarea, ‘Caesar’s Gate’, has survived along with sections of walls and towers, and it was this gate that served as the main gateway of Salona during the time of Caesar Augustus. It was built in the form of a triple-arcaded triumphal arch, with one large central arch in the middle for carts and a smaller doorway on either side for pedestrian traffic. On either side of the gateway was a massive octagonal tower, but they are unusual in that they face inside the city, not outside, and it has been hypothesized that they were actually a pair of giant water towers, reservoirs for the city’s aqueduct.56
The city was still growing. In the late first century AD during the reign of the Flavian Dynasty, an amphitheatre and baths were built, the ruins of which can still be seen. During the second century AD, the city of Salona had expanded so much that a new set of walls had to be built around it. The height of Salona’s power was during the late third century AD during the reign of Emperor Diocletian, when it was one of the largest cities in the entire Roman Empire. After this it began to go into decline, and by the fifth century AD following attacks by Goths, Huns and rebellious Roman generals, it was a crumbling second-rate slum town.57
Based upon archaeological evidence from the time of Rome’s early occupation of the western Balkans, the process of cultural replacement was not a smooth transition. Instead, the Romanization of Illyria occurred at an uncomfortable, sporadic jerky pace. The Illyrian settlements along the Adriatic coast were the first to undergo the process of Romanization.58 It made sense to do it this way for a few reasons. Firstly, many of these coastal towns and cities, especially those in the south, had been Hellenized centuries earlier. Rome was also heavily steeped in Greek culture, as is evident from thei
r architecture and to some extent their dress and even their language. To both the Romans and the Illyrians who lived in these coastal settlements, there probably wasn’t that much ‘culture shock’ when the Romans moved in. Yes, there were a few minor differences, but the outward appearance of many of these Illyrian coastal settlements would have appeared to the Romans as almost thoroughly Hellenic. The Romans would have little trouble in imposing their Roman way on a culture that was already so similar to their own.
Secondly, these coastal towns and cities were the hubs of important maritime trade routes. The Illyrians had essentially dominated the Adriatic Sea for much of their existence. You had to have been completely stupid not to realize the immense economic potential of controlling these port-cities. If the Romans could get a hold of these places, many of which had recently been Greek colonies, then Rome could get very rich very quickly.
Thirdly, once the Romans controlled the main settlements along the coast, the ones that had the greatest influence in the region, then the smaller and less powerful coastal settlements located nearby would come under Rome’s control and thus a sort of domino effect would occur in theory. Controlling these coastal towns and cities acted almost like the beach-head for a cultural invasion inland. Once maritime trade centres were taken, the Romans could extend further and control the inland trade routes extending from the coastline into the interior of the then-uncharted western Balkans. These trade routes mostly followed the paths of rivers or mountain valleys. Using these pathways, Rome could locate new sources of economic potential in the interior. To this day, the western Balkans have large amounts of mineral ore including gold and silver, and I’m sure the Romans were eager to locate where the sources of all of this wealth were located. Yes, you could do business on the docks, but why not go directly to the source deep in the mountains, deep in the heart of Illyria? The Romans would turn these crude pathways into an efficient system of modern paved Roman roads as soon as they felt that the province was more secure. These roads would also almost certainly help the Illyrian rebels during the Great Illyrian Revolt of 6–9 AD, which would explain why the rebellion spread as rapidly as it did during that time.59
Understandably, the Roman presence would be felt the most where Rome felt its best interests lay. It made practical sense to control the coastal cities and the interior trade routes, so Rome began to make its presence felt in these areas very early on and with great force. As for other areas in the Balkan interior, which may have been nothing more than forested mountains and where the Romans saw no immediate economic concerns, they were less willing to press themselves and their culture upon the landscape and its people. Roman merchants and those seeking a new life in a new part of the realm flocked to these cities for the lure of opportunity and wealth. Since the Illyrians lived in cities with stone buildings and paved cobblestone roads, the transition from living in a Roman town to an Illyrian town was probably an easy one. The Romans were also willing to exploit the Illyrians as auxiliaries in the Roman army. Their prowess in battle was well-known, and Roman generals assuredly made a point of recruiting as many Illyrians into the ranks as possible. With the addition of these tough mountain fighters, Rome’s military power was further strengthened, enabling it to press further into Europe and elsewhere and open up new markets and trade routes. Due to their expertise in ship construction and sailing, large numbers of Illyrians also served in the Roman navy. Many of them were stationed at the naval bases of Misenum (located on Italy’s west coast) and Ravenna (located on the east coast).60
In terms of language, Latin had gained little headway in the western Balkans. Greek was far more common due to the large numbers of Greek settlers that had been living along the Adriatic coast for centuries, and so the Romans and Illyrians almost certainly spoke to each other in the one language that both parties could understand. Latin slowly crept its way into the western Balkans but inscriptions found in the region, especially deep in the interior far away from the highly-populated and highly- Romanized coastal cities, show a cruder form of Latin. Many times, the words are spelled differently and there are numerous grammatical mistakes. This shows that the native Illyrian people did not speak Latin fluently and though they tried to copy it, it shows a definite lack of linguistic understanding. Instead you have the creation of a regional dialect which can be called ‘Illyrian Latin’, fusing the Roman language with the language of the native people.61
However, the Romans were more concerned with the flow of wealth and goods rather than the progress that Roman culture was making in the region, but don’t get the impression that the wealth only flowed in one direction; Roman trade worked for the Illyrians as well. As in many cases with imperial powers, the conquered supplied the raw materials while the imperial power supplied manufactured and prestige goods. Strabo says that Illyrian merchants used to travel to the northern Italian city of Aquileia on a frequent basis. Located close to barbarian lands on the northern tip of the Adriatic Sea, Aquileia was originally built as a frontier fortress to keep out enemy tribes, but its potential as a vital trading hub was soon realized. Here, the Illyrians would sell cattle, leather and slaves. They may have also been willing to offer up gold, silver, copper and salt to the Romans in exchange for luxury items. In exchange for Illyrian goods and slaves, the Romans sold or traded large casks of wine and olive oil. They may have also sold textiles and pottery. Items that were identifiably Roman would have been eagerly grabbed by local kings and tribal chiefs. As a result, both the Romans and the Illyrians became rich. It was a system that worked for both sides.62
Considering that the Illyrians had all this new-found wealth, one thinks that they would have realized on which side their bread was buttered and would have been eager to go along peacefully with the Roman system. If the Romans also thought this, then they were in for a big shock. In 58 BC, just one year after Illyricum became a province, the Dalmatians and other Illyrian tribes, who were by now very prosperous, attacked and seized the city of Promona, which was a city of the Liburnian tribe; like many Illyrian settlements, it was a heavily-fortified mountain stronghold surrounded by steep jagged terrain. The Liburnians appealed to Julius Caesar, who happened to be nearby, for help. Caesar ordered that the Illyrians should hand the city of Promona back over to the Liburnians. When they refused, Caesar sent a large force to attack the Dalmatians. Regrettably, the exact number of men that Caesar sent forward is not given. However, it was the Illyrians who emerged victorious and completely destroyed Caesar’s army. For Caesar, such a crushing defeat was almost unheard-of and it must have affected him profoundly. He didn’t bother sending in a second army because he was too busy fighting against his rival Pompey, but I also like to think that he became wary of attacking the Illyrians again.63
Ten years later in 48 BC, Julius Caesar crossed with a large army into Illyria with the purpose of defeating Pompey’s forces. His army was divided into three parts. Caesar led one part, and his trusted subordinate Marcus Antonius commanded a second part; the strengths of both of these forces are not recorded. A third part was led by Aulus Gabinus, who commanded fifteen infantry cohorts (7,200 men) and 3,000 cavalrymen. Usually, when military forces are listed, standard Roman forces are listed in terms of legions or legionnaires and the supporting auxiliaries are listed as cohorts. This is because in the Roman military, Roman citizen-soldiers were standardized at the legion level, but auxiliaries had no legions; they were organized at a cohort level. So it is in all likelihood that Gabinus was the one who commanded the auxiliary forces while Caesar and Antonius commanded the regular Roman legions.64
While Caesar and Antonius’ forces landed on the Illyrian coast by sea, crossing the Adriatic from their base camps in Italy, Gabinus’ forces marched overland around the Adriatic. Perhaps aware that Gabinus’ force was the smaller of the two main Roman forces and was also isolated away from the larger force commanded by Caesar and Antonius, the Illyrians focused their full attention on Gabinus’ army. They completely obliterated Gabinus’ force at the B
attle of Synodium. According to Appianus’ record of the event, the Illyrians were merciless, killing every single soldier in that army except for the commander Gabinus and a small group of others who managed to take refuge in Salona, and also captured a large amount of plunder. It is said that Gabinus died shortly afterwards. What is interesting is that later on, Appianus states that only five cohorts were destroyed, not fifteen, and that their standards were captured. This is either an error in translation, confusing fifteen with five, or perhaps Appianus himself made the mistake and is actually speaking about a later incident that occurred when the Illyrians destroyed five legionary cohorts in 44 BC. I shall speak about this event later.65
The Great Illyrian Revolt Page 12