For Jon and Maire West
THE EDITOR/TRANSLATOR
Brian Murdoch is Professor of German at the University of Stirling and a former Visiting Fellow of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and of Magdalen College, Oxford, where he delivered the Waynflete Lectures in 1994. Primarily a specialist in medieval and renaissance literature (German, Latin, Celtic), he has also written on the literature of the world wars, and has translated classical and medieval Latin as well as medieval and modern German texts. He collaborated with his son, Adrian Murdoch, in translating material for Geoffrey Farrington’s Dedalus Book of Roman Decadence.
CONTENTS
Title
Dedication
The Editor/Translator
Preface
Introduction: Fallen Man
Prologue: Original Sins
Gregory the Great on Genesis (Latin)
Adam and Eve (German)
Unoriginal sins, from confessional handbooks (Latin and German)
The Roman Empire Goes and Comes
The Ruin (Anglo-Saxon)
Attila, from Waltharius (Latin)
Fredegonda the Concubine, from Gregory of Tours’ History of the Franks (Latin)
Charlemagne, from Einhard’s Life of Charlemagne- (Latin)
The Ruling Classes
Charlemagne’s Grandchildren, from Nithard’s Histories (Latin)
English Anarchy 1137, from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Anglo-Saxon)
Richard I, from various medieval chronicles (Latin)
Edward II, from various medieval chronicles (Latin)
Pedro the Cruel, from Froissart’s Chronicles (French)
Gilles de Rais, from the trial documents (Latin)
Society
Wernher, Helmbrecht (German)
The Archpoet, from the Confession (Latin)
Cecco Agniolieri, Two Sonnets (Italian)
The Destruction of the World, from Jacob Ruf’s Adam and Eve (Swiss)
Sex
The Snow-Baby (Latin)
Marie de France, King Equitan (French)
Giovanni Boccaccio, from the Decameron (Italian)
The Monk and the Wee Goose (German)
I Have a Gentil Cok (English)
Dafydd ap Gwilym, Metrical Verses on the Subject of his Prick (Welsh)
Manners
Gluttony, from the Worcester Sermon II (English)
A Drinking Song, from the Carmina Burana (Latin)
Table Manners, from The Book of Polite Behaviour- (English)
How the Good Wife Taught her Daughter (English)
Modern Fashions, from Brant’s Ship of Fools- (German)
Cornish Behaviour, from Andrew Boorde’s Introduction to the First Boke of Knowledge (English)
Religion
Black Magic, from The Corrector (Latin)
Rutebeuf, Theophilus (French)
A Black Mass, from The Life of St Meriasek (Cornish)
A Drinker’s Mass (Latin)
Thomas Murner, from The Guild of Fools (German)
Thomas Murner, from The Great Lutheran Fool (German)
Epilogue: Laments for A Misspent Youth
Priapeia (German)
Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, Poem (Gaelic)
The Lady of Beare, Grown Old (Irish)
A Note on Sources
Copyright
PREFACE
Anthologies are always a matter of luck, and there ought to be a formula of apology for not having included somebody’s favourite. But the selection depends, like it or not, on the taste, knowledge and competence of the anthologist/translator. Indeed, for a number of reasons I have had to leave out various interesting figures altogether: Vlad the Impaler, for example, and Torquemada, and any number of dubious medieval popes (with, in the case of the Borgias at least, many of their relatives). On the other hand, I have also had to omit the Anglo-Saxon queen Aelfthryth, interesting not only on the grounds of her impossible name, nor because she was the mother of Ethelred the Unready (neither of which she could really help), but for her connivance at the murder of her stepson Edward the Martyr at Corfe Castle in 878.
A couple of general points do need to be made, however. The first is that the Middle Ages were well aware of how fallen mankind is anyway, and decay can be political, physical or moral. The second is that very familiar material has been left out: Chaucer and most of Boccaccio are absent. Against that, it is hoped that some of the less well-known pieces included will be of interest, such as the German poem of Helmbrecht, about a young man who leaves his farm to join a robber baron. A lack of background knowledge and linguistic competence has led to the absence of Iberian or Slav materials. Beyond that, the anthology tries to cover as broad a field as possible within an interpretation of ‘medieval’ that runs from the fall of Rome to the Reformation. A lot of the material is in verse, it is true, but this reflects the state of affairs in medieval writing, especially writing for entertainment.
The extract from Waltharius is from my own full translation: Walthari (Glasgow, 1989), and I am grateful to Mark Ward, my fellow-editor of the series Scottish Papers in Germanic Studies, for permission to reprint.
Brian Murdoch Stirling, September 1994
INTRODUCTION: FALLEN MAN
When the Vikings sacked Northumbria at the end of the eighth century, one famous northerner, Alcuin, who had left York for a high-level administrative post in Charlemagne’s European Community some years earlier, was not particularly surprised. God was clearly punishing the people of Northumbria for their decadence, and more specifically for their propensity to thieving and fornication. Alcuin wrote to the King of Northumbria and told him so. The monks of Lindisfarne, too, had obviously brought it on themselves; they had not been spending enough time on spiritual reading, but had been enjoying heroic tales instead, and if the tales as such were hardly decadent, reading them was, especially when one should really be reading more improving works (and it would be more than churlish to add: ‘like Alcuin’s biblical commentaries’). ‘What,’ asked Alcuin sniffily, ‘has some Germanic hero got to do with Christ?’ It wasn’t a particularly original remark. Several centuries earlier, St Jerome had asked roughly the same thing about the reading of Vergil instead of the Bible, and a few centuries in the other direction, Martin Luther would ask it again. More pragmatically, Luther provided some thoroughly militaristic hymns as a counter to the popular songs that were so very – well, popular. We, on the other hand, might be more inclined to ask a slightly different question to that posed by Alcuin: when were the Middle Ages? They are called the Middle Ages, of course, on account of their coming at the beginning, but beyond that no-one is ever sure, and to be on the safe side, we have to adopt some kind of formula like ‘from the fall of the Roman Empire to the Reformation,’ which covers well over a thousand years, giving plenty of time for whole empires to rise from nothing and descend again into decadence, usually, though not always passing through a stage of civilisation on the way.
The Middle Ages are, however, in the popular mind at least, still centuries either of piety and courtesy, or of superstitious but vigorous thuggery. The first view calls up hair-shirts and monasteries on the one hand, and genteel interpersonal behaviour in a fantasy world on the other, with ladies out of reach on pedestals, and knights with their anachronistic plate-armour and their well-controlled libidos quite untarnished, either pining in love, or out scouring the countryside for the Holy Grail. The second view is rather simpler: back in the mists of medieval ignorance (it runs) warriors or groups of warriors (usually Germanic) took great delight in killing things, either dragons, monsters, or (most often) each other, but always for the sake of gold or power or just ordinary fame
, because after the event, the survivors would all go to the mead-hall, drink a great deal, and sing heroic songs about killing things. The Middle Ages, then, is a time of thugs or wimps, but neither, on the face of it, seem to have much to do with actual decadence, with the degeneration of a society (or parts of it) into softened luxury and a studied concentration on sexual and physical delights, or with the kind of abuse of power and position which can in its turn lead to the complete collapse of that society. Popular views of the Middle Ages (Sir Walter Scott, Wagner and Hollywood all have a great deal to answer for) do contain a few elements of truth, but they do not take into account that falling into sin is always a possibility, always the other side of the coin of civilisation. The Middle Ages were more acutely aware of this than many another period.
Medieval Christianity was preoccupied with Adam and Eve, and it was generally reckoned that the first fall predisposed mankind to a state of permanent sinfulness. Medieval theologians, in fact, presupposed a fall prior to that of Adam and Eve, that of Lucifer and his associates, the rebel angels who came to populate hell. In medieval drama, much is made of devils, who parody Christian ritual, mock the Lord’s Prayer, and say things (as a devil expostulates in a late medieval Swiss play) like ‘Botz hosenlatz und nestelglimpff,’ a fine-sounding phrase which avoids a direct blasphemy on the name of God, and means something like ‘Odds codpieces and dangly bits.’ It is a nice irony that medieval plays often had small boys (a major repository for and surely the best evidence we have for the existence of original sin) playing the many demons that provided light relief. Nevertheless, for the Middle Ages Adam and Eve were our very real progenitors (Noah took apes onto the Ark, but not as revered ancestors), and their fall has a lasting effect on us all. Admittedly, the presentation of it had to be adapted sometimes to put the blame more firmly on Eve, but all their descendants were deemed to bear the traces of that first disobedience. At the same time, the medieval Christian was told to keep the story of Adam and Eve firmly in mind as a warning not to do what they predisposed him to do anyway. Just as the devil tempted Eve, so too he could tempt anyone. In fact, every bit of the Bible could be used as a warning, and because decadence set in almost at once (murderous Cain, bigamous Lamech, the presumptuous builders of Babel, the wicked generation drowned in the flood), the lapses of the patriarchs are often used to warn against moral decay. Here is St Jerome again, in a letter about Noah’s drunkenness. Though it was probably designed for the wider audience of posterity, it is ostensibly addressed to a girl who was fifteen at the time and who would become his secretary later. Noah’s experiment with strong drink, it will be recalled, led to his involuntarily exposing himself. ‘After Noah’s drunkenness came the uncovering of his thighs,’ says Jerome. ‘Lust joins indulgence. First the belly swells, then other organs.’ One supposes that the recipient of the letter knew what he was on about.
In general terms we can distinguish between moral, religious and physical (or perhaps architectural) decay, as well as social-political decadence. The first (and most universal) of these categories speaks for itself, and medieval writers responded to over-indulgence, wild behaviour and sexual excess in various ways, ranging from homiletic thundering through mild (or mildly hypocritical) regret, down to a gleeful hedonism that was not always ironic, though it certainly could be. Sermons warn in great detail about sins, and so do confessional handbooks, many of which demand the confession of sins that one might not even have thought of without consulting the handbook in the first place. St Jerome’s words of warning to the young lady had their echoes in textbooks of behaviour, either designed for the clergy or nuns, or just as etiquette-books aimed in particular at youth, in whom the force of original sin was indeed felt to be particularly vigorous. Excesses of drinking and of gambling loom large as poetic themes, though the regret expressed in these works is often regret at not having enough cash to indulge in the activities. Just as frequently, we get a defiant jollity in writings about wine and song, and it is very often there, too, in literature about the third element of the triad, women, who are sometimes treated far more equally than one might expect. Marie de France’s adulterers in King Equitan both get their come-uppance, but both ladies and gentlemen are equally pro-active in the sexual sphere in medieval narratives. The simple choreography of some of the tales – Chaucer’s Reeve’s Tale is probably the neatest example – implies actual delight in the less than moral. That story involves a medieval bedroom (and medieval nights were darker than ours, without background light of any description) containing three beds. One contains a miller and his wife, with a cradle at the end. The next contains the nubile daughter, the third two male students. During the night, student A hops into bed with nubile daughter. Student B is disgruntled, so waits until the miller’s wife goes out to relieve herself, and moves the cradle to the end of his bed, to which the miller’s wife then returns. Eventually student A leaves the daughter, avoids the bed with the cradle, assumes that the now solo miller is actually student B, and tells him what he has been doing. All hell then breaks loose. There are plenty of tales like this in other languages (some requiring a fairish suspension of disbelief) but the delight is always there. Not, of course, that honest rumpy-pumpy is especially wicked. The Church thought it was, though, and there can be an edge, even with the most innocently comic description of well-choreographed sex.
Alternative attitudes to religion abound in the Middle Ages, even though the whole period is often seen as the age of piety. In some ways, of course, it was an age of saints, but for all that, excessive piety probably always leads to the opposite, and certainly the monastic orders went through a regular cycle of decadence and toughening-up throughout the Middle Ages. Most of the new monastic orders came about because their ascetic founders thought that monasticism thus far had become too lax. The same principle, writ large, also underlies the Reformation, at the end of the period, when accusations of decadence fly in all directions. Nor was it long before the Reformers started accusing each other of laxity and splitting up, and within the Catholic Church after the Council of Trent had sorted out some of their own problems, new orders continued to arise.
Even asceticism can go too far, though, and the Middle Ages knew that, too. There is a Latin poem about a holy man who desperately wanted to be a saint, and had to be locked outside and told to live off ‘the food of the angels’ before he realised that he was going a bit too far, and did actually need a meal. More humble priests are a common target in literature, too, though this has something to do with the fact that they were simply more familiar to the Middle Ages than to us. At the beginning of the present century, G. G. Coulton, a notable medieval historian who nevertheless spent perhaps rather too much of his time attacking exaggerated notions of universal piety (and going for the throat of Hilaire Belloc in particular) drew attention in an entertaining paper called ‘The Monastic Legend’ to the case of William de Bittendene, of St James’ Priory near Exeter, who was noted in the fourteenth century as being ‘oftentimes convicted of embezzlement and fornication.’ He would have been punished had the bishop been able to catch him, but he couldn’t, and William crops up again, still Prior, and apparently still dissolute, a year or so later, this time in trouble for not paying taxes. Coulton also cites the case of another Prior, ‘found in gross misconduct at eleven o’clock on a Friday in Lent.’ When Bishop Alcock wound up the nunnery of St Radegund in Cambridge at the end of the fifteenth century, to turn it into Jesus College, he noted that there were only a couple of nuns left, and one of those had a somewhat dubious reputation; later still, the activities of some of the more notorious Popes (who were still patrons of the arts, we must not forget) are well documented. These things have to be relativised, of course. But whatever the actual extent of clerical misdeeds really was (and let us be fair: perusal of some Sunday tabloids might well distort one’s views somewhat on the twentieth-century English vicar), satirical stories involving oversexed priests make good reading. The same strain of what looks like gleeful irrelig
iousness is visible in the somewhat surprising fact that most of the liturgy was the target of parody in the Middle Ages. Actually, most of things learned at school were subject to parody; a medieval ‘erotic grammar’ makes a great deal of the copulative, but the religious parodies are striking. There is a Latin ‘monetary Gospel’ written, prophetically enough, in Germany, while boozy imitations of the Psalms, and of the whole Mass, are also known. Mock sermons include a rude parody of a homily on Adam and Eve which, in a way, proves the point about original sin by stressing their delight in original sex. It is honestly dirty, and not remotely pornographic, and when the world population was exactly two, surely most sex was original. And none of these things are really irreligious, just irreverent. The parodies are simply the literary equivalents of the grinning and sometimes vulgar gargoyles on the cathedral roof. They don’t detract from the sweep of the whole thing, but they do serve a useful deflecting function, and they are often funny in themselves. Their downstairs equivalents, equally jolly but not usually as vulgar, are the carvings you find on bench-ends in the older cathedrals. Writings on morals and religion in the Middle Ages vary, of course, and the reaction to man’s intrinsically fallen state can either be thundering disapproval, awful warnings, stories of nick-of-time rescues (with the implication that you, the audience, might not be so lucky), right down to a giggling awareness that everyone – even the supposed moral guardians – enjoys a little excess now and again. When it has all gone, and the would-be profligate is unfortunately past it, however, nostalgia and anger remain in about equal measure, and there is a poignant expression of this in the number of poems (not just medieval ones) which reminisce on the personal level about sex and drinking (well, mostly sex) no longer being what they used to be.
The Dedalus Book of Medieval Literature Page 1