by Ian Mortimer
7. Travelling
1. Schellinks, pp. 46, 48. • 2. Fiennes, p. 22. • 3. Fiennes, pp. 40–1. • 4. Fiennes, p. 203. • 5. Thoresby, i, p. 295. • 6. Fiennes, p. 214. • 7. Baskerville, pp. 271–2. • 8. Pepys, iv, p. 139. • 9. Travel in England, p. 14. • 10. Travel in England, pp. 8–11; HELS, p. 253. • 11. Travel in England, p. 27; King’s Highway, pp. 22–3. • 12. King’s Highway, p. 147. • 13. For a reference to an Elizabethan signpost in Kent, see King’s Highway, p. 156. • 14. King’s Highway, p. 157. • 15. Fiennes, p. 164. • 16. Travel in England, p. 27. • 17. DEEH, p. 65; Fiennes, p. 135. • 18. Baskerville, p. 296. • 19. Cosmo, p. 402; Misson, p. 172; Lettie S. Multhauf, ‘The Light of Lamp-Lanterns: Street Lighting in 17th-Century Amsterdam’, Technology and Culture, 26, 2 (1985), pp. 236–52 at pp. 251–2. See also E. S. de Beer, ‘The early history of London street-lighting’, History, new series, 25, 100 (March 1941), pp. 311–24. • 20. £1 15s to light the space in front of twenty houses. See Ogg, J. & W, p. 133. • 21. Pepys, viii, p. 174. • 22. In 1636 there were 6,000 coaches in London; Sir William Petty estimated in 1676 that there had been a considerable increase in the number. See J. H. Markland, ‘Some remarks on the early use of carriages in England’, Archaeologia, xx (1824), pp. 443–76 at p. 468. If the population increase over the years 1636–70 – from about 300,000 to 475,000 – had resulted in a commensurate increase in the number of coaches, we should expect there to have been about 9,500 in 1670. • 23. On 15 Dec. 1662 Pepys knocked off two pieces of beef from the side of the shambles in Newgate Market with his coach. The butchers stopped the horses and he was forced to pay them a shilling in reparations. Pepys, iii, p. 283. On 27 Nov. 1660 he came to a great ‘stop of coaches’ in King Street, caused by a falling-out between a drayman and a footman. Pepys, i, p. 303. • 24. Travel in England, p. 79; SED, p. 381. • 25. Travel in England, p. 80; Pepys Companion, p. 451. • 26. Travel in England, pp. 71–2. • 27. The chaise is first mentioned in OED in an entry dated 1701. • 28. Pepys, ii, p. 110 for the chariot-vs-coach race. • 29. Pepys, i, p. 286; Pepys Companion, p. 453; Misson, p. 306. • 30. Lincoln, lxxiii, p. 75. • 31. Markland, ‘Some remarks on the early use of carriages in England’, p. 463. • 32. Noble, p. 208. This is actually described as a ‘charet’ but seems more to resemble a coach, with its glass windows and the high price. The total includes £53 10s for the basic frame and cab; £24 for velvet to line the cab; £10 14s to the glassmaker for windows; £14 10s to the fringemaker for adornments; and £25 for a painter to finish the decoration. • 33. The earl of Bedford paid £25 for a horse in 1641 (Noble, p. 54). In 1680 the countess of Sunderland paid £100 for a pair of coach horses: see Travel in England, p. 76. • 34. Lincoln, p. 75. Gregory King estimated the rental value of pasture and meadow at 9s per acre in 1688. • 35. Noble, pp. 203, 206–7. • 36. Pepys Companion, p. 453. • 37. Evelyn, ii, p. 280. • 38. Pepys, iv, p. 430. • 39. Evelyn, ii, p. 221. • 40. Misson, p. 39. • 41. Anglia Notitia, ii, p. 219. • 42. Coaches from the George Inn also made the journey to Wakefield, Leeds and Halifax (£2 per person, leave on Fridays); to Durham and Newcastle (£3, every Monday); and Bath or Bristol (£1, every Monday and Thursday). The Edinburgh trip took place every three weeks and cost £4 10s. See EoaW, p. 202, quoting Mercurius Politicus (1658); Markland, ‘Some remarks on the early use of carriages in England’, p. 474; SED, pp. 384–5. • 43. Schellinks, p. 65. • 44. SED, pp. 383–5. • 45. Travel in England, p. 86. • 46. PL, p. 164; see also Pepys Companion, p. 451. • 47. Ward, Step to Stir-Bitch-Fair, pp. 3–4. • 48. This is how Mrs Pepys lost a waistcoat in January 1663. Pepys, iv, p. 28. • 49. SED, pp. 388–9. • 50. Evelyn, ii, p. 20. • 51. Pepys, ix, p. 474; Josselin, p. 159. • 52. Travel in England, p. 70; Evelyn, ii, pp. 41, 274. • 53. Schellinks, p. 93. • 54. London Spy, p. 87: • 55. Noble, p. 206. • 56. Buckinghamshire, p. 181. • 57. Lincoln, p. 88. • 58. Bristol, pp. 151, 175. • 59. A number of different sources attest to this, not least the Berkshire probate accounts: see Ian Mortimer (ed.), Berkshire Probate Accounts 1573–1712, Berks Record Society (Reading, 1999). Of the 162 accounts in this book, 84 relate to the period up to 1630; yet only one of those accounts mentions horse hire and, in that 1608 case, the accountant lived in London and probably hired his horse there. There are 16 references to horse hire in the remaining 78 accounts, which relate to the years 1631–51 and 1663–1712. The rates of appearance of references to horse hire are about the same in the period 1631–51 as they are after the Restoration. Early years see a predominance of hire by accountants in large towns. It is perhaps significant that hackney carriages started in London in the 1620s too. • 60. The 1d per mile rate is evidenced in Mortimer (ed.), Berkshire Probate Accounts, pp. 159, 199, 215. Horse hire from Pangbourne to Woolhampton (9 miles each way) costs 1s 6d (1681); from Tilehurst to London (84 miles), 7s; and from Tilehurst to Oxford (25 miles), 4s. The first of these also gives a 3s price for three trips from Pangbourne to Woolhampton, which rather suggests a 1s rate. In 1680 there is a direct reference to ‘one day’s horse hire’ at a rate of 1s for a Frilford accountant (Berkshire Probate Accounts, p. 214). • 61. Schellinks, p. 178. • 62. Pepys, ii, pp. 15, 133. • 63. Thoresby, i, pp. 12–13. His route was to Royston (41 miles) on day one; to Stamford (58 miles) on day two; to Tuxford (48 miles) on day three; and to Leeds (57 miles) on day four. In July 1680 he rode the route in the same time, going via Cambridge (54 miles) on day one; Casterton, Rutland (48 miles) on day two; Barnby Moor (58 miles) on day three; and reaching Leeds (43 miles) on day four (Thoresby, i, p. 49). • 64. Schellinks, p. 65; Baskerville, p. 276. • 65. Misson, pp. 11–12. • 66. Schellinks, p. 58; Pepys, i, p. 287; ii, p. 12. For the yacht’s dimensions, see the National Maritime Museum model of the Mary, http://collections.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/66330.html, downloaded 9 June 2016. • 67. PN, p. 63. • 68. Misson, p. 21. • 69. Schellinks, p. 70. • 70. Pepys, i, p. 311. • 71. Rugg, p. 72. • 72. Travel in England, pp. 102–3. • 73. Schellinks, p. 69. • 74. This was in November 1699. Evelyn, ii, p. 357. • 75. Fiennes, p. 203. • 76. SED, pp. 370 (trows), 420. • 77. Carew Reynel, The True English Interest (1674), pp. 42–3, quoted in SED, pp. 386–7. • 78. T. S. Willan, ‘The River Navigation and Trade of the Severn Valley, 1600–1750’, Economic History Review, 8 (1937), pp. 68–79; idem, ‘Yorkshire River Navigation 1600–1750’, Geography, 22 (1937), pp. 189–99; PN, p. 116 (Bedford). • 79. Mitchell (ed.), British Historical Statistics, p. 534; PN, p. 114. • 80. Ogg, J. & W., pp. 294–5. • 81. PN, p. 114. • 82. PN, p. 33. • 83. Anglia Notitia, ii, pp. 155–7. • 84. PN, p. 38. • 85. PN, p. 115. • 86. Pepys, iv, pp. 256–7. • 87. SED, p. 352. • 88. Cosmo, pp. 95–7. • 89. PN, p. 146. • 90. Elizabeth Baigent, ‘Collins, Greenvile (d. 1694)’, ODNB. • 91. Thoresby, i, pp. 17, 25–7. • 92. SED, p. 582. • 93. Barlow’s Journal, i, p. 228. • 94. PN, p. 154. • 95. Schellinks, p. 41. • 96. PN, p. 76. • 97. PN, p. 156. • 98. PN, p. 156. • 99. PN, p. 152. • 100. Henry Teonge, Diary (1825), pp. 27–8. • 101. Joe J. Simmons, Those Vulgar Tubes (2nd edn, 1997), p. 7. • 102. Simmons, Tubes, pp. 43, 52.
8. Where to Stay
1. Pepys, ix, p. 231. • 2. This has been the case since 1393. Jacob Larwood and John Camden Hotten, English Inn Signs (1951), p. 8. • 3. Larwood and Hotten, English Inn Signs, p. 11. • 4. Baskerville, p. 265 • 5. Pepys Companion, p. 452; Baskerville, p. 307. • 6. Lincoln, p. 105. • 7. Bristol, p. 82. • 8. Pepys, i, p. 150. • 9. Lawrence Wright, Warm and Snug (1962), p. 125. • 10. Wright, Warm and Snug, p. 128. • 11. Pepys, iii, p. 70. • 12. Pepys, iii, p. 70. • 13. John Summerson, Architecture in Britain 1530–1830 (9th edn, 1993), p. 141. • 14. Fiennes, p. 106. • 15. Fiennes, p. 47. • 16. Fiennes, p. 105. • 17. Evelyn, ii, p. 243. • 18. WCH, p. 59. • 19. Fiennes, p. 171. • 20. Evelyn, ii, p. 235. • 21. Noble, pp. 280–301 (Woburn); WCH, pp. 43, 45. • 22. Katherine Gibson, ‘Gibbons, Grinling’, ODNB, quoting Vertue, Notebooks, 4.11. • 23. Evelyn, ii, p. 82. • 24. WCH, p. 19. • 25. Kathryn Barron, ‘Verrio, Antonio’, ODNB. •
26. Peter Thornton, Seventeenth-Century Interior Decoration in England, France and Holland (1978), p. 56. • 27. Pepys, i, pp. 269 (decoration), 298. • 28. WCH, pp. 30, 39; Buckinghamshire, p. 269 (smoking room at Shardeloes); Evelyn, ii, p. 117. • 29. WCH, p. 38. • 30. WCH, p. 24. • 31. WCH, p. 161. • 32. Lincoln, pp. 73–5. Note: I have presumed this is an old-fashioned house, on account of it having a hall and no room named as being the chamber over the hall (implying it was still probably full-height, and thus old). I have also presumed that the lack of reference to paintings or tapestries in the parlours indicates they were wainscoted. • 33. Hentie Louw and Robert Crayford, ‘A constructional history of the sash-window c. 1670–1725’, Architectural History, 41 (1998), pp. 82–130. • 34. Pepys bought a new-fashioned door knocker in Nov. 1662. Pepys, iii, p. 263. • 35. For example, ‘Abroad to look out a cradle to burn charcoal in at my office, and I found one to my mind in Newgate Market.’ Pepys, iv, p. 409. • 36. See Misson, pp. 37–8, for an account of how to light a coal fire and the need for a good chimney. • 37. Mitchell, British Historical Statistics, p. 244. • 38. HELS, p. 11. • 39. Pepys, i, p. 302. • 40. Bristol, p. 78. • 41. Bristol, p. 35. • 42. Lincoln, p. 120. • 43. Lincoln, pp. 32–3. • 44. Margaret Cash (ed.), Devon Inventories, Devon & Cornwall Record Society, NS 11 (Torquay, 1966), pp. 174–5. • 45. Pepys, i, p. 269. • 46. Pepys, iv, p. 155. • 47. Quoted in Liza Picard, Restoration London (1997), p. 14. • 48. Pepys, iv, pp. 252–3. • 49. James Ayres, The Shell Book of the Home in Britain (1981), p. 34. • 50. As the earliest inventory for this house dates from 1634 and it does not appear in the 1597 survey, I have presumed it was built between those two dates and thus had mullion windows. See N. W. Alcock, Living in a Warwickshire Village 1500–1800 (Chichester, 1993), pp. 85 (wealth, inventory), 215 (date). • 51. Cash (ed.), Devon Inventories, p. 162. • 52. Fiennes, pp. 40, 144; Ayres, The Home in Britain, p. 31. • 53. Baskerville, p. 298. • 54. HELS, p. 11; Ayres, The Home in Britain, p. 34.
9. What to Eat, Drink and Smoke
1. Anglia Notitia, i, p. 6. • 2. Misson, p. 314. • 3. Quoted in Pepys Companion, p. 148. • 4. This is based on the master carpenter having a gross salary of £25,000, including five weeks’ paid holiday (£532 per week). Both the chicken and the pear cost – as proportions of a carpenter’s weekly wage – fourteen times more in real terms than they do in the modern world. • 5. Schellinks, p. 33. • 6. Pepys, ii, pp. 112–13. • 7. These dates are for prices in the Exeter corn market. See Mitchell, British Historical Statistics, p. 754. • 8. OCSH, p. 286; Stana Nenadic, ‘Necessities: food and clothing in the long 18th century’, in HELS, pp. 137–63, at p. 137. • 9. Henry Buttes, Dyet’s Dry Dinner consisting of eight seuerall courses (1599), section 4, under ‘oyster’. • 10. Evelyn, ii, p. 143. • 11. Pepys, i, p. 291. • 12. Pepys, ii, p. 3. • 13. Charles R. Geisst, Beggar Thy Neighbour: A History of Usury and Debt (2013), p. 102. This would appear to be about 6–7 times the likelihood of dying from food poisoning in England and Wales in the 21st century. • 14. HELS, p. 138. • 15. Fiennes, pp. 39–40 (crab, lobster), 61 (cider), 64 (salmon), 166 (char), 204 (cream). • 16. Baskerville, pp. 268 (herring), 294 (eels), 299 (sage cheese), 310 (liquorice). • 17. Baskerville, pp. 274–6. • 18. Noble, p. 141 (Lord Bedford); Pepys, ii, pp. 44–5, 52, 55, 60. • 19. GFS, pp. 218–19. • 20. Pepys, ii, p. 119; iii, p. 10. • 21. Baskerville, pp. 263 (beer), 297. • 22. Pepys, i, p. 9; ii, pp. 208, 228. • 23. Misson, p. 313. • 24. ToH, p. 201. • 25. Pepys, iv, p. 354. • 26. Cosmo, pp. 377–8. • 27. As Celia Fiennes did when she dined at Bretby. See Fiennes, p. 155. • 28. ToH, p. 196. • 29. EoaW, p. 43. • 30. Noble, pp. 165–6. • 31. Noble, p. 144. • 32. FDB, p. 58. • 33. FDB, pp. 105, 111. • 34. FDB, p. 101; ToH, p. 184. • 35. ToH, p. 204. • 36. Evelyn, ii, p. 143. • 37. FDB, p. 56. • 38. Pepys, iv, p. 14. • 39. Pepys, iv, p. 95. • 40. Pepys, i, p. 223. • 41. Pepys, i, p. 263; iii, p. 234. • 42. Ward, Stir-Bitch-Fair, p. 7. • 43. Schellinks, p. 91. • 44. Pepys, iv, p. 192. • 45. Misson, pp. 146–7. • 46. London Spy, p. 187. • 47. Pepys Companion, pp. 417–18. • 48. Pepys, iv, p. 301. • 49. Pepys Companion, p. 417; Misson, p. 147. • 50. Noble, pp. 218–20. • 51. Fiennes, p. 207. • 52. Although potato farming certainly helped, it did not cover more than 2% of the agricultural land in 1801. See AR, p. 102. • 53. ToH, p. 193. • 54. Anglia Notitia, i, p. 51. • 55. PL, p. 13; Fiennes, pp. 136 (Norwich), 146 (Leicester), 186 (Shrewsbury), 198 (Exeter). • 56. FDB, p. 385. • 57. Ward, Stir-Bitch Fair, p. 8. • 58. Pepys, i, p. 283 (Northdown); London Spy, p. 179 (Coloquintida). • 59. Schellinks, pp. 38, 40. • 60. Baskerville, p. 308. • 61. Fiennes, p. 182; Pepys Companion, p. 105. • 62. Baskerville, pp. 292 (Scudamore apples), 293 (Redstreak), 295 (prices); Fiennes, p. 41; Pepys, iv, p. 254; Noble, p. 181 (bottled cider). • 63. Pepys, i, p. 317. • 64. On 23 Oct. 1663 Pepys bought half a dozen bottles with his crest upon them, for the storage of wine. See Pepys, iv, p. 346. • 65. Noble, p. 189. • 66. OCW, p. 97. • 67. OCW, p. 511. • 68. Noble, pp. 192–3; OCW, p. 151. The same year (1676), Thomas Shadwell referred in his Virtuoso (Act 1, Scene 2) to Sparkes entering the playhouse ‘ful of champagn, venting very much noise, and very little wit’. • 69. Charles Ludington, ‘The Politics of Wine in 18th-century England’, History Today, 63, 7 (July 2013), http://www.historytoday.com/charles-ludington/politics-wine-18th-century-england, downloaded 1 Sept. 2016. • 70. Pepys, iv, p. 100. • 71. In his poem ‘The Search after Claret’ (1691) Richard Ames called Haut-Brion ‘sprightly Pontac’. • 72. FDB, p. 391. • 73. Pepys, iv, p. 235. • 74. Baskerville, p. 295. Note: these were the prices in Worcester. • 75. Baskerville, p. 308. • 76. Noble, p. 197. • 77. Tim Unwin, Wine and the Vine (1991), p. 243. • 78. SED, p. 86. • 79. Noble, p. 200. • 80. FDB, pp. 400, 403. • 81. LSCCS, p. 19 (infertility); Clarke, Later Stuarts, p. 358. • 82. LSCCS, pp. 50–1. • 83. Bristol, pp. 118–19. • 84. LSCCS, p. 23. • 85. Misson, pp. 39–40. • 86. Noble, p. 168. • 87. LSCCS, p. 24. • 88. Pepys, i, p. 253. • 89. FDB, pp. 411–12. • 90. Noble, p. 170. • 91. Pepys, ii, p. 88 (the morning after the coronation); iii, p. 227; iv, p. 5. • 92. FDB, pp. 408–10. • 93. Cosmo, p. 398. • 94. Schellinks, p. 121. • 95. Misson, pp. 311–13; Fiennes, p. 204; Baskerville, p. 303. • 96. Misson, p. 313. • 97. HELS, p. 224. • 98. Jorevin de Rocheford, quoted in Fiennes, p. 204 n. 13. • 99. Noble, pp. 345–6.
10. Health and Hygiene
1. See Alice Thornton’s autobiography, quoted in Sufferers, p. 227. • 2. Sufferers, p. 164. • 3. Barlow’s Journal, i, p. 178. • 4. Edward Jorden, A discourse of Naturall Bathes and Mineral Waters (3rd edn, 1683), pp. 132, 134. • 5. Jorden, Naturall Bathes, p. 138. • 6. Fiennes, p. 45. • 7. Schellinks, p. 106; Fiennes, p. 46. • 8. Fiennes, p. 93. • 9. Fiennes, p. 94. • 10. Thoresby, i, pp. 54, 86, 234. • 11. Baskerville, p. 314. • 12. Fiennes, pp. 125–7. • 13. Schellinks, pp. 87–8. • 14. Pepys, ix, p. 233. • 15. HELS, p. 224, quoting E. W. Marwick, The Folklore of Orkney and Shetland (1975), p. 92. • 16. Virginia Smith, Clean: A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity (Oxford, 2007), p. 220. • 17. WCH, p. 39; Pepys Companion, p. 103. • 18. Joseph Pitts, Faithful Account of the Religion and Manners of the Mahometans (4th edn, 1738), pp. 69–70. • 19. Pepys, i, p. 298. • 20. Jorden, Naturall Bathes, p. 134. Note that Jorden was addressing an educated and wealthy readership in his book, not a bunch of washerwomen, which rather indicates that he reckoned most gentlemen and educated women would know what washing with soap might do to their fingers. • 21. For Pepys and lice, see Pepys, iv, p. 38. • 22. The total number of people recorded in the Bills of Mortality in the years 1660–1700 is 890,361. The total number of plague deaths recorded is 70,735 (7.94%), 68,596 of them in 1665. If the average number of deaths in 1660–64 (17,019) is subtracted from the total number buried in 1665 (97,306) to take into account the maximum levels of under-recording of the plague in 1665, the total is 80,287 (9.02%). Adding the non-1665 plague deaths gives a total maximum of 82,426 (9.26%). Over the whole period, 141,982 (15.9%) are r
ecorded as dying of consumption (not including the King’s Evil), 119,496 (13.4%) of convulsions, 111,499 (12.5%) of agues and fever and 85,984 (9.66%) of ‘griping in the guts’. • 23. Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (1985), p. 151. The Great Plague of 1665 killed more people, but they represented a smaller proportion of the population. • 24. Walter George Bell, The Great Plague of London (1924), pp. 23–4. • 25. Evelyn, i, p. 404. • 26. Pepys, vi, p. 268. • 27. Bell, Great Plague, p. 143. • 28. Slack, Impact of Plague, p. 317. • 29. Bell, Great Plague, p. 140. • 30. A. G. E. Jones, ‘The Great Plague in Ipswich’, Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute for Archaeology and History, xxviii, 1 (1958), pp. 78–89 at p. 88; Charles Creighton, History of Epidemics in Britain (1894), ii, pp. 687–90; Slack, Impact of Plague, pp. 16 (Colchester), 138 (Norwich). • 31. Bell, Great Plague, p. 296. It is frequently stated that the population of Eyam was 360 at the time. A detailed piece of analysis available at the Eyam Museum website indicates that the population was exactly 700, of whom 433 are known to have survived. See http://www.eyam-museum.org.uk/assets/files/eyam-population-1664–1667.pdf, downloaded 4 Sept. 2016. • 32. Evelyn, quoted in Vanessa Harding, ‘Housing and Health in Early Modern London’, in V. Berridge and M. Gorsky (eds), Environment, Health and History (2012), pp. 23–44 at p. 38. • 33. Pharmacopoeia, pp. 24, 70, 92. • 34. F. N. L. Poynter, A Seventeenth-Century Doctor and his Patients: John Symcotts, 1592?–1662, Bedfordshire Historical Record Society, xxxi (1951), p. 49. • 35. Pharmacopoeia, pp. 56, 58, 61. • 36. Richard Tomlinson, A Medicinal Dispensatory (1657), p. 589. • 37. Hooke, pp. 26–7. • 38. Evelyn, ii, p. 236. • 39. Mercurius Politicus (20 Dec. 1660), quoted in EoaW, p. 140. • 40. Pepys, ii, p. 53. • 41. Pharmacopoeia, p. 64; Sufferers, p. 141. • 42. Pharmacopoeia, pp. 10, 30, 67. • 43. Roy Porter, ‘Madness and its institutions’, in Andrew Wear (ed.), Medicine in Society: Historical Essays (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 279, 285. • 44. PHE, p. 256 (1.7%); Global Crisis, p. 93 (4%). • 45. For the design of the forceps owned by Dr Chamberlen and found in 1813 at Woodham Mortimer Hall, see Peter M. Dunn, ‘The Chamberlen family (1560–1728) and obstetric forceps’, Archives of Disease in Childhood Fetal & Neonatal Edition, 81 (1999), F232–5. • 46. Eric Jameson, A Natural History of Quackery (1961), p. 29. • 47. Andrew Wear, ‘Making sense of health and the environment in early modern England’, in Wear (ed.), Medicine in Society, p. 127. • 48. Lord Ruthven, The Ladies Cabinet Enlarged and Opened (4th edn, 1667), pp. 63–5 (spa water), 70–1 (toothache), 86 (snakes), 127 (gout). • 49. Barry Till, ‘Stillingfleet, Edward (1635–1699)’, ODNB. • 50. D&D, pp. 154–5. • 51. D&D, pp. 78, 112–15; Noble, p. 40 (£20 for a course of treatment for smallpox). • 52. Jonathan Barry, ‘John Houghton and Medical Practice in William Rose’s London: The Medical World of Early Modern England, Wales and Ireland, 1500–1715: Working Paper Two’ (April 2015), http://practitioners.exeter.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/EMP_WP2_Barry_Houghton.pdf, downloaded 6 Sept. 2016. • 53. Harold J. Cook, ‘Sydenham, Thomas (bap. 1624, d. 1689)’, ODNB. • 54. PFR, p. 39; Patrick Wallis, ‘Exotic Drugs and English Medicine: England’s Drug Trade c. 1550–1800’, LSE Working Papers 143/10 (2010), Table 1 and Figure 2. • 55. D&D, pp. 58–9 (Canterbury). For the Exeter figures, 8 apothecaries were admitted freemen in the 45 years of Elizabeth’s reign: at an average career length of 26 years, this suggests there were 4.6 apothecaries at any one time. In the period 1660–1700 the number admitted was 39, suggesting 24.7 apothecaries at any one time. It is assumed that Exeter apothecaries worked a comparable length of time to their Canterbury colleagues. • 56. Pharmacopoeia, pp. 64–5. • 57. Richard Sugg, Mummies, Cannibals and Vampires: The History of Corpse Medicine from the Renaissance to the Victorians (2011), pp. 58–9. • 58. Thomas Brugis, The Marrow of Physick (1669), p. 65. Quoted in P. Kenneth Himmelman, ‘The medicinal body: an analysis of medical cannibalism in Europe, 1300–1700’, Dialectical Anthropology, 22, 2 (1997), pp. 183–203 at p. 197. On the subject in general, see Sugg, Mummies, Cannibals and Vampires). • 59. Pepys, iii, p. 77. • 60. D&D, p. 86. In Kent, some payments were as low as 6d; 2s 6d was not an unusual sum. Payments of 3s 6d and 4s are noted too in Berkshire and Sussex. • 61. Sufferers, p. 63. • 62. Sufferers, pp. 61, 74. • 63. PFR, p. 38. • 64. Evelyn, ii, pp. 42, 48, 98.