by Pausanias
[7] ἀνὴρ τῶν Μεσσηνίων — τὸ δὲ ὄνομα οὐ λέγουσιν — ἐρῶν ἔτυχε τοῦ Ἀριστοδήμου τῆς
θυγατρός, τότε δὲ ἤδη ἔμελλε καὶ γυναῖκα ἄξεσθαι. οὗτος κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐς ἀμφισβήτησιν Ἀριστοδήμῳ προῆλθεν, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἐγγυήσαντά οἱ μηκέτι εἶναι κύριον τῆς παιδός, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐγγυησάμενος κυριώτερος ἐκείνου γίνεσθαι. δεύτερα δὲ ὡς τοῦτο οὐχ ἑώρα οἱ κατορθούμενον, ἐπ᾽ ἀναίσχυντον τρέπεται λόγον:
[9.7] A Messenian, whose name is not recorded, was in love with the daughter of’ Aristodemus, and was already about to make her his wife. He at first disputed the rights of Aristodemus over the girl for Aristodemus, since he had betrothed her to himself had no further rights over the girl, but he to whom she was betrothed had greater rights than the father. Next, when he saw that this was of no avail, he had recourse to a shameless plea, that the girl was with child by him.
[8] ξυγγενέσθαι τε τῇ παιδὶ καὶ κύειν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. τέλος δὲ ἐς τοσοῦτον Ἀριστόδημον προήγαγεν ὡς ἐκμανέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα ἀποκτεῖναι: μετὰ δὲ ἀνέτεμνε καὶ ἐπεδείκνυεν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἔχουσαν ἐν γαστρί. παρὼν δὲ Ἐπήβολος ἐκέλευεν ἄλλον τινὰ τὸν θυγατέρα ἐπιδώσοντα γενέσθαι: τῆς γὰρ τοῦ Ἀριστοδήμου πλέον εἶναί σφισιν ἀποθανούσης οὐδέν: φονεῦσαι γὰρ τὸν πατέρα αὐτήν, θεοῖς δὲ οἷς ἡ Πυθία προσέταξεν οὐ θῦσαι.
[9.8] At last he drove Aristodemus to such a fury of passion that lie killed his daughter; then cutting her open he showed that she was not pregnant. Epebolus, who was present, ordered another man to come forward and offer his daughter, for the daughter of Aristodemus was of no avail to them dead; for the father had murdered her, not offered her to the gods whom the Pythia ordained.
[9] τοιαῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ μάντεως τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὥρμησεν ἀποκτενοῦντες τὸν μνηστῆρα τῆς παιδός, ὡς Ἀριστοδήμῳ τε μίασμα εἰκαῖον προσάψαντα καὶ σφίσι τῆς σωτηρίας τὴν ἐλπίδα ἀμφίβολον πεποιηκότα. ἢν δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα τῷ Εὐφαεῖ φίλος: πείθει οὖν τοὺς Μεσσηνίους Εὐφαὴς τόν τε χρησμὸν ἔχειν τέλος ἀποθανούσης τῆς παιδὸς καὶ σφίσιν ἀποχρᾶν τὰ ὑπὸ Ἀριστοδήμου πεποιημένα.
[9.9] When the seer said this, the multitude of the Messenians rushed on the girl’s lover to kill him, since he had fixed the guilt of bloodshed on Aristodemus to no purpose, and had made their hopes of safety doubtful. But as he was a close friend of Euphaes, Euphaes persuaded the Messenians that the oracle was fulfilled by the death of the girl and that the deed done by Aristodemus sufficed for them.
[10] λέγοντος δὲ ταῦτα ἔφασαν τὰ ὄντα λέγειν ὅσοι τοῦ Αἰπυτιδῶν γένους ἦσαν: ἀπεῖναι γάρ σφισι τὸ δέος τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ θυγατρὶ ἕκαστος ἔσπευδε. καὶ οἱ μὲν τοῦ βασιλέως τῇ παραινέσει πειθόμενοι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν διαλύουσι καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς πρός τε θυσίας θεῶν καὶ ἑορτὴν τρέπονται:
[9.10] When he said this, all the members of the house of the Aepytidae said that he spoke truth, for each was eager to be rid of the terror threatening his daughter. The people took the advice of’ the king and broke up the assembly and thereupon turned to sacrifices to the gods and feasting.
10. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἀκούσαντες τὸν γενόμενον Μεσσηνίοις χρησμὸν ἀθύμως διέκειντο καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἔς τε τὰ λοιπὰ καὶ ἄρχειν ὀκνοῦντες μάχης.
ἔτει δὲ ἕκτῳ μετὰ τὸν ἐξ Ἰθώμης Λυκίσκου δρασμὸν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι — τὰ γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐγίνετο αὐτοῖς αἴσια — στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰθώμην: οἱ δὲ Κρῆτες οὐκέτι παρόντες σφίσιν ἔτυχον. ὑστέρησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν Μεσσηνίων σύμμαχοι — δι᾽ ὑποψίας γὰρ οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται καὶ ἄλλοις ἤδη Πελοποννησίων καὶ Ἀρκάσιν ἦσαν καὶ Ἀργείοις μάλιστα — καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι κρύφα ἔμελλον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀφίξεσθαι καὶ ἰδίᾳ δὴ μᾶλλον ἢ μετὰ δόγματος κοινοῦ, τοῖς δὲ Ἀρκάσιν ἡ στρατεία μὲν ἀνείρητο ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ, παρέτυχον δὲ οὐδ᾽ οὗτοι. τοὺς γὰρ Μεσσηνίους καὶ ἄνευ συμμάχων κινδυνεῦσαι προήγαγεν ἡ δόξα τοῦ χρησμοῦ.
[10.1] X. But the Lacedaemonians, when they heard the oracle given to the Messenians, were in despair, both they and their kings, and for the future shrank from offering battle.
But five years after the escape of Lyciscus from Ithome, the victims being auspicious, the Lacedaemonians marched against Ithome. The Cretans were no longer with them. The allies of the Messenians also were late, for the Spartans had now incurred the suspicion of others of the Peloponnesians, especially of the Arcadians and Argives. The Argives intended to come without the knowledge of the Lacedaemonians, and by private enterprise rather than by public declaration. The expedition was openly proclaimed among the Arcadians, but they did not arrive either. For the Messenians were induced by the credit placed in the oracle to face the risk without allies.
[2] τὰ μὲν οὖν πολλὰ οὐδέν τι ἐγένετο διάφορα ἢ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς προτέρας μάχης, ἥ τε ἡμέρα καὶ τότε μαχομένους προαπέλιπεν: οὐ μέντοι βιασθῆναί γε οὐδέτερον κέρας ἢ καὶ λόχον μνημονεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ τὴν τάξιν, ὡς ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ἐτάχθησαν, συμμεῖναί φασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων τοὺς ἀρίστους συνελθόντας ἐς τὸ μεσαίτατον ἐνταῦθα τὸν πάντα ἔχειν πόνον.
[10.2] This engagement did not differ in most points from the first, as on this occasion too daylight failed the combatants, but they record that on neither side was a wing or division broken, as they did not maintain the formation in which they were originally posted, champions on either side meeting in the middle, and there supporting the whole combat.
[3] ὁ γὰρ Εὐφαὴς πλέον τι ἢ βασιλέα εἰκὸς ἦν προθυμούμενος καὶ ἀφειδῶς τοῖς περὶ τὸν Θεόπομπον ἐγκείμενος τραύματα τε πολλά τε καὶ οὐκ ἰάσιμα λαμβάνει: λιποψυχήσαντα δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ πεσόντα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ὀλίγον ὅμως ἐμπνέοντα ἐποιοῦντο παρ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἑλκύσαι σπουδήν. ἐπήγειρε δὲ καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἥ τε ἐς τὸν Εὐφαῆ προϋπάρχουσα εὔνοια καὶ τὰ ὀνείδη τὰ μέλλοντα: φονευομένοις τε ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἄμεινόν σφισιν ἐφαίνετο προΐεσθαι τὰς
ψυχὰς ἢ ἐκεῖνον προεμένων ἀποσωθῆναί τινα.
[10.3] Euphaes, who showed more e
agerness than a king should and recklessly attacked Theopompus’ bodyguard, received a number of mortal wounds. When he swooned and fell, the Lacedaemonians did their utmost to drag him into their own ranks, as he still breathed. But the Messenians were roused by the affection which they felt for their king and by the reproach which would be theirs. It seemed better to die for their kings and sacrifice their lives than that he should be abandoned while one of them escaped.
[4] τότε μὲν δὴ πεσὼν ὁ Εὐφαὴς τήν τε μάχην ἐπεμήκυνε καὶ προήγαγεν ἐς πλέον παρὰ ἑκατέρων τὰ τολμήματα: ὕστερον δὲ ἀνήνεγκε μὲν καὶ ᾔσθετο ὅτι οὐκ ἔλαττον ἐσχήκασιν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ, ἡμέραις δὲ οὐ πολλαῖς ἀποθνήσκει, βασιλεύσας Μεσσηνίων τρία ἔτη καὶ δέκα καὶ πολεμήσας Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸν πάντα τῆς βασιλείας χρόνον.
[10.4] So the fall of Euphaes prolonged the battle and called forth further deeds of daring on both sides. He came to himself later and saw that his men had not had the worst of the fight, but he died in a few days, having reigned thirteen years over the Messenians, and having been at war with the Lacedaemonians for the whole of his reign.
[5] Εὐφαεῖ δὲ οὐκ ὄντων παίδων τὸν αἱρεθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου κατελείπετο ἔχειν τὴν ἀρχήν, Κλέοννίς τε καὶ Δᾶμις ἐς ἀμφισβήτησιν Ἀριστοδήμῳ προῆλθον, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον διαφέρειν νομιζόμενοι: τὸν δὲ Ἄντανδρον οἱ πολέμιοι κατειργάσαντο ἐν τῇ μάχῃ προκινδυνεύοντα Εὐφαοῦς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τῶν μάντεων αἱ γνῶμαι κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἀμφοτέρων, Ἐπηβόλου καὶ Ὀφιονέως, μὴ σφᾶς ἀνδρὶ ἐναγεῖ καὶ θυγατρὸς μίασμα ἐπικειμένῳ δοῦναι τὴν Αἰπύτου καὶ τῶν ἀπογόνων τιμήν:
[10.6] Euphaes, having no children, left his kingdom to the man chosen by the people. Cleonnis and Damis came forward to dispute it with Aristodemus, as they were considered superior to him in war and all else. Antander had been killed by the enemy, risking his life for Euphaes in the battle. The views of both the seers, Epebolus and Ophioneus, were identical, that they should not give the honors of Aepytus and his descendants to a man who was accursed and polluted by the murder of his daughter. Nevertheless Aristodemus was chosen and became king.
[6] ᾑρέθη δὲ ὅμως καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν Ἀριστόδημος. ὁ δὲ Ὀφιονεὺς οὗτος ὁ τῶν Μεσσηνίων μάντις τυφλὸς ὢν εὐθὺς ἐκ γενετῆς μαντικήν τινα εἶχε τοιαύτην: πυνθανόμενος τὰ γινόμενα ἑκάστοις ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ ἐν κοινῷ προέλεγεν οὕτω τὰ μέλλοντα. οὗτος μὲν τρόπον ἐμαντεύετο τὸν εἰρημένον, Ἀριστόδημος δὲ βασιλεύσας τῷ τε δήμῳ διέμεινε τὰ εἰκότα χαρίζεσθαι προθυμούμενος καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει τούς τε ἄλλους καὶ μάλιστα Κλέοννιν καὶ Δᾶμιν ἦγεν ἐν τιμῇ: διὰ θεραπείας δὲ εἶχε καὶ τὰ τῶν συμμάχων, Ἀρκάδων τε τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἐς Ἄργος καὶ Σικυῶνα ἀποστέλλων δῶρα.
[10.6] This Ophioneus, the Messenian seer, was blind from birth and practised the following method of divination. By learning the facts relevant to each case, both private and public, he thus foretold the future. This then was the way he practised his art. Aristodemus, becoming king, constantly was ready to show all reasonable favour to the people, and held all the nobles in honor, especially Cleonnis and Damis. He maintained good relations with the allies, sending gifts to the Arcadian leaders and to Argos and Sicyon.
[7] τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀριστοδήμου βασιλείας ἐπολέμουν
λῃστείαις τε κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἀεὶ καὶ περὶ τὴν ὡραίαν καταδρομαῖς ἐς τὴν ἀλλήλων χρώμενοι, συνεσέβαλλον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀρκάδων τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐς τὴν Λακωνικήν: Ἀργεῖοι δὲ προαναφῆναι μὲν τὸ ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔχθος οὐκ ἠξίουν, γινομένου δὲ ἀγῶνος παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς μεθέξοντες.
[10.7] They carried on the war during his reign by means of constant forays with small parties, and made incursions into one another’s country at harvest time, the Messenians being supported by the Arcadians in their raids into Laconia. The Argives did not think fit to declare their hatred for the Lacedaemonians beforehand, but prepared to take part in the contest when it came.
11. πέμπτῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς Ἀριστοδήμου βασιλείας μελλόντων ἐκ προρρήσεως συμβολὴν ποιήσεσθαι — τῷ τε γὰρ μήκει τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τοῖς δαπανήμασιν ἀπειρήκεσαν — οὕτω παρεγένοντο ἀμφοτέροις καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι, Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν Κορίνθιοι Πελοποννησίων μόνοι, τοῖς δὲ Μεσσηνίοις οἵ τε Ἀρκάδες πανστρατιᾷ καὶ Ἀργείων καὶ Σικυωνίων λογάδες. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν οὖν Κορινθίοις καὶ τοῖς εἵλωσι καὶ ὅσοι περίοικοι συνεστρατεύοντο τὸ μέσον ἐπιτρέψαντες, ἐπὶ τοῖς κέρασιν αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐτάσσοντο βαθείᾳ τε ὡς οὔπω πρότερον καὶ πυκνῇ τῇ φάλαγγι.
[11.1] XI. In the fifth year of the reign of Aristodemus, being exhausted by the length of the war and by their expenditure, after due notice that a battle would be fought, both sides were joined by their allies, the Lacedaemonians by the Corinthians alone of the Peloponnesians, the Messenians by the full muster of’ the Arcadians and by picked troops from Argos and Sicyon. The Lacedaemonians entrusted their center to the Corinthians, Helots and all the neighboring peoples who were serving with them; they themselves and the kings were posted on the wings in a deeper and closer formation than ever before.
[2] τῷ δὲ Ἀριστοδήμῳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν διετάχθη τὰ ἐς τὴν μάχην οὕτως. ὅσοι τῶν Ἀρκάδων ἢ τῶν Μεσσηνίων τὰ μὲν σώματα ἦσαν ἐρρωμένοι καὶ ἀγαθοὶ τὰς ψυχάς, ὅπλα δὲ οὐκ εἶχον ἰσχυρά, τούτοις τῶν ὅπλων τὰ χρησιμώτατα ἐπέλεξε, καὶ ὡς τὸ ἔργον ἤπειγεν, ὁμοῦ τοῖς Ἀργείοις καὶ Σικυωνίοις καὶ τούτους ἔτασσε: τὴν δὲ φάλαγγα ἐπὶ πλέον ἥπλωσεν, ὡς μὴ κυκλωθεῖεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων. προείδετο δὲ καὶ ὅπως τεταγμένοις σφίσι τὸ ὄρος ἡ Ἰθώμη κατὰ νώτου γίνοιτο. καὶ τούτοις μὲν Κλέοννιν ἐπέταξεν ἡγεμόνα:
[11.2] The dispositions of Aristodemus and his men were as follows: he selected the most serviceable of the arms for all the Arcadians and Messenians who were physically strong and stout hearted but did not possess powerful weapons, and as the matter was urgent, posted them with the Argives and Sicyonians, extending the line that they might not be surrounded by the enemy. He also took care that they should be drawn up with Mount Ithome in their rear. Placing Cleonnis in command of these troops,
[3] αὐτὸς δὲ καὶ ὁ Δᾶμις ὑπέμενον ἔχοντες τοὺς ψιλούς, σφενδονήτας μὲν ἢ τοξ
ότας ὀλίγους, ὁ δὲ ὄχλος ὁ πολὺς τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἦσαν ἐς τὰς ἐπιδρομὰς καὶ ἀναχωρήσεις ἐπιτήδειοι καὶ τῇ ὁπλίσει κοῦφοι: θώρακα γὰρ ἢ ἀσπίδα εἶχεν οὐχ ἕκαστος, ὅσοι δὲ ἠπόρουν τούτων, περιεβέβληντο αἰγῶν νάκας καὶ προβάτων, οἱ δὲ καὶ θηρίων δέρματα καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ὀρεινοὶ τῶν Ἀρκάδων λύκων τε καὶ ἄρκτων.
[11.3] he himself and Damis remained in reserve with the light troops consisting of a few slingers or archers, the bulk of the force being physically suited to rapid assaults and retirements and lightly armed. Not all of them possessed a breastplate or shield, but those who lacked them were protected with the skins of goats and sheep, some of them, particularly the Arcadian mountaineers, having the hides of wild beasts, wolves and bears.
[4] ἀκόντια δὲ ἕκαστος πολλά, οἱ δὲ καὶ λόγχας αὐτῶν ἔφερον. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἐλόχων τῆς Ἰθώμης ἔνθα ἔμελλον ἥκιστα ἔσεσθαι σύνοπτοι: οἱ δὲ ὁπλῖται τῶν Μεσσηνίων καὶ συμμάχων τήν τε ἔφοδον τὴν πρώτην τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπέμειναν καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἦσαν ἤδη καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀνδρεῖοι. ἀριθμῷ μὲν δὴ τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπελείποντο, λογάδες δὲ ὄντες ἐμάχοντο πρὸς δῆμον καὶ οὐχ ὁμοίως πρὸς κρείττους, ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον τῇ τε ἄλλῃ προθυμίᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἐμπειρίαις ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντεῖχον.
[11.4] Each carried several javelins, and some of them spears. While these were in ambush in a part of Ithome where they were least likely to be visible, the heavy-armed troops of the Messenians and their allies withstood the first assault of the Lacedaemonians, and continued after this to show courage in every way. They were inferior in numbers to the enemy, but were picked men fighting against levies, not selected troops like themselves, and so, by their bravery and training were more able to maintain a lengthy resistance.