by Scott Palter
This left Eicke running what amounted to a set of facilities-guards on depots, headquarters, rail yards, and the like. Almost as if he were back to his work as a security officer for I.G. Farben in the 1920’s. Eicke could not accept that this was the end of his career, rotting away in a second-rank garrison town while dealing with minor pilferage and disciplinary issues. There was a Polish resistance. Not much direct activity, but everyone was sure the Polish exile government in London still ran a vast network. Eicke decided his mission would be to penetrate this apparatus. He would start with a campaign against the usual suspects among the Polish criminal class and black marketeers. He knew the game. You catch small fish. You punish some and flip others. Over a period of months, you build up a network of informers. He would find a way to prove his utility to Heydrich, while undermining Müller.
2200 hours CET
2 September 1940
Fortress of Metz, formerly French Lorraine, currently under German occupation and in some senses re-annexed to Germany
Newly promoted General de Division Alphonse Pierre Juin had had an eventful day. He had been released from officer’s prison camp, with travel orders to Metz. The city had been a fortified French garrison town back to 1648, with a small sojourn as a fortress city under the Kaiser Reich. It was then returned to France at the end of World War 1. Now it was in the Occupied Zone. There were decrees re-annexing it to Germany, but no formal peace with France confirming this. There were both German and French civil administrations, but the French one was in place, with the Germans relying on the French to facilitate their wishes.
His arrival had further confused the situation. There was a German commandant who had greeted him at the train station this morning with a band and honor guard. A German band playing “La Marseillaise” was strange enough. Still more bizarre, he was not under this German’s command. Juin had spent the day with his Minister of War, General Weygand, and the head of the German General Staff, General Halder. Juin was to command the French forces at Metz. The Germans would provide administrative support, but his orders would come from Weygand through the War Ministry at Vichy. The two national commanders were ordered to collaborate. Disputes would be referred to the two War Ministries to sort out.
The concept was to recreate his 15th Motorized Division, which he had led against the Germans before being compelled to surrender in the Lille pocket in early June. Some of his men had escaped by sea, and were thus lost to him – they were with other units serving Vichy, or demobilized. Either way Vichy wanted men returned from German captivity used, not their mobilization pool depleted. Most of this shortfall was being gathered from various German prison camps. There was a team of officers out rounding up young, fit men with combat-arms training. A second wave was being recruited by three French-speaking Polish officers out of a different set of internment facilities that had Polish POW’s. Weygand was utilizing the French civil administration, which remained in the Occupied Zone, to mobilize some eight thousand young men between fifteen and eighteen who would be put through recruit training here at Metz. These newly mobilized men would be field replacements for his division, and the Moroccan one that would in due course follow.
Nominally this would recreate his original 15th Division, plus a flow of march battalions to follow as replacements. In practice, something altogether different was being formed. The Trans-Saharan wastelands could only be transited in battalion-sized increments. At German instigation, his original force was being reorganized into a series of all-arms battalion-size battle groups. Each would have, in addition to the normal men and weapons of a battalion of infantry or artillery, a few armored vehicles, some antiaircraft artillery, some engineers, a few motorcycle troops as scouts, and enough support troops to be able to operate independently. Regimental and divisional headquarters were again to be configured into battalion-size formations. The first regiment headquarters would follow after the second battalion. After the fourth, a second regiment would come. After the sixth, he would arrive with the divisional headquarters. Weygand would in the meantime create, out of captured personnel, a Metz headquarters that would assume his command here when he departed.
The day had been very profitably spent, with the two French generals taking the German concept apart and reworking it in a manner more suitable for Frenchmen. They grasped the essence. The battalions would move separately, and must be able to fight individually without any support from higher forces. The entire interwar French doctrine had been top-down and very centralized. Now they were being forced into the reverse. The Germans saw this as a better way to fight. The French accepted that geography dictated such a solution. Having arrived in the Sahel, these battalions had missions ranging from recovering Chad, to defending Dakar –with a probable need to by that time retake Cameroun.
Juin was left to ponder the deeper levels at work here, levels that were never stated but were obvious to any intelligent officer of his rank. The British had attacked the French Fleet. London had used de Gaulle to poach Chad, and would try to take away the rest of France’s African Empire. France would resist this. Obviously this meant alliance of a sort with their German occupiers. Yet this subtext was never directly addressed. His was the first of two oversized divisions to form here for African service. There was side-talk of an entire French army to be recreated in Poland. Yet no mention of France being at war with either the British Empire or the Soviet Union. Nominally this was all minor fiddling with the armistice terms. Minor? This was an alliance – yet the German flag still flew over Paris.
Juin could see Vichy’s predicament. He could operate in this fog of concealed truths. He greatly wished he had been granted an hour alone with Weygand. This had not happened. So Juin would await a courier from the Ministry, nominally on some administrative matter, for a full verbal briefing. Best to have nothing in writing. The Germans would of course find ways to copy all his documents. They would probably bug his office and quarters. So best to set up a riding stable, to make a daily ride part of his normal schedule. That way a confidential discussion was possible when this person appeared. France was slowly rising from the ashes, moving past the disaster of May and June. He would be a part of that rebirth. This filled him with quiet joy.
1000 hours, 3 September 1940 local time
0300 hours, 3 September CET
Executive residence, Chongqing, Nationalist China
It had taken two days of meetings with his father, Nationalist China’s Supreme Leader, and the Soviet envoys from Comrade Stalin, but Chiang Ching-Kuo was back in favor. The Nationalist KMT desperately needed a strong ally. If this meant that the regime returned to its original radical roots, the Generalissimo was prepared to sacrifice the big money interests centered on his wife’s circle. This meant in turn allowing the more than half-Bolshevik Chiang Ching-Kuo back into the center of power.
Chiang’s son had always seen Leninism as a means to advance China’s national goals rather than an end in itself. However, Stalin had shown what Leninism could do to make an advanced military power out of a poor peasant state. Stalin had exiled Mao and his clique back to the Soviet Union. The Communist regional regime would now work at Soviet orders against the Japanese instead of against the KMT. New equipment would be sent, both to rehabilitate the KMT’s German-trained regular divisions and to form two new four-division strike armies. Chiang Ching-Kuo would be given cadres and equipment to field a four-division Blue Army, dubbed the New First Army. After this was done, a second Strike Army of four Red divisions would be formed under his old friend from university in Moscow, Deng Xiaoping. This New Second Army would fight alongside the New First as twin spearheads, one on each side of the Yangtse River as the Chinese forces pushed the Japanese back step by step to Shanghai.
As a way to show his fidelity to Moscow, and to whittle down Madame Chiang’s power base, it had been agreed to turn against the missionaries. The missions were to be closed. The foreign clergy would be expelled through Shanghai, Burma or Indochina. The native clergy and pa
rishioners would recant – or be severely dealt with. There was no room in the New China for these carriers of foreign loyalties. Chiang Ching-Kuo had no doubt his father would try to waffle, keeping the benefits of the Moscow connection while not fully cutting his ties with the Western Devils. This was the Middle Kingdom. Nothing happened quickly or in a straight line. The key was the formal decrees. China had begun her journey towards the end of her century-long time of troubles.
0430 hours local; 0330 hours CET
3 September 1940
Coffee bar, Ismailia Square (modern Tahrir Square), Cairo, British Egyptian Protectorate
Lieutenant Anwar Sadat was listening to his military academy classmate Lieutenant Gamal Abdul Nasser expound to a small audience on world events and pan-Arabism. Most of those listening were junior military officers or low-level bureaucrats. They were of a generation not prepared to blindly accept subservience to the British. This had resulted in Sadat, Nasser, and a group of like-minded officers being posted to obscure garrison towns in Upper Egypt. Days such as today, when military business necessitated a visit to Cairo-based ministries, allowed a bit of informal politicking without quite exciting the security services enough to lead to disciplinary charges. Besides, the core of what Gamal was saying was obvious to anyone. The Italians and Germans were coming. The British expected to be defeated. The fleet was gone from Alexandria. Gone south from Suez to parts unknown, but far from Egypt. After a century and a half, the Eastern Basin was no longer a British lake.
The fleet had taken off the shore establishment, naval retirees, civilian tradesmen who did RN business, and many others. Every week saw more British and other Westerners depart Egypt as well. There was no formal announcement of evacuation. Indeed, the papers denied any such thing was happening. Lies. Each family that left dismissed servants, put villas up for rent or sale, bought travel supplies. Servants and tradesmen had eyes, had ears; and told their tales to family and friends. The same was happening among sections of Egypt’s Europeanized rich, especially the Copts. Anyone paying attention could see the manifestations. Real estate prices in Cairo and Alexandria were dropping steadily. Large tracts of agricultural land were suddenly on the market, but only for cash sale. The banks were running short of British and US banknotes in the larger denominations. Gold was going for a premium on the market. After over half a century, the British Raj might be coming to an end. This could leave an opening for a New Egypt, one that could deal with Italy on a more equal basis. Or it could just be swapping one overlord for another, the way Ottomans had given way to the Albanian dynasty and that had become a front for British proconsuls. Gamal thought he had answers. Sadat had questions, and was content to keep his opinions to himself.
0700 hours local; 0600 CET
3 September 1940
Camp Gorlov, near Tobruk, Italian Libya
Oberst Gunter Strauss was discovering the ‘joys’ of higher command. He’d been a glorified watchman for oil facilities in Romania. He’d taken a company into battle for the Malta operation, a role well within his prior service in the Baltic and afterwards with the SA. By the time the Malta force had been augmented to battalion strength, he’d had a real general there to supervise him. Ramcke hadn’t interfered much, but he was there, a command presence.
Now Gunter was running Brigade Strauss. In theory, it had two battalions; but Steiner’s force was still only a company, and the attached Italians were more of an overstrength platoon. Their commander, di Salo, was someplace getting them enough men and arms for a proper battalion, but that was for sometime in the indeterminate future. Gregor’s ship, with three reinforcement companies, would land later today. The problems were what else was coming.
He'd been informed, by Schellenberg’s office in Berlin, that Führer Göring had decided that the unit with the hero Steiner was to be reinforced. Arriving tomorrow was a composite volunteer battalion from the SS LAH, the personal guards of the Führer. As augmentation to this motorized infantry unit, the Luftwaffe had added a battery each of 88mm and 20mm antiaircraft guns. The Hessian SA was sending an armored car company. The Army was roped into providing a battery of captured French 75’s.
This was now a real brigade. Gunter had no idea of how one ran one. In his war years, one didn’t meet anyone higher than the battalion commander. Fortunately Greta’s Uncle Isaak was versed in these things. Isaak was dragooned into being the chief of staff. That still left the question of what to do with his brigade.
The original warning order from von Manstein’s corps headquarters had Strauss leading his two battalions out under Jodl as part of a makeshift division. The revised order, over the signature of this Italian army commander Geloso, had the brigade in reserve adjacent to but not under the command of SS General Hausser. This order referred to the force as a reconnaissance unit, probably based on the inclusion of Peiper’s detachment. Or perhaps it was because Steiner’s men now had vehicles, were motorized. Either way, Gunter would have to beg or borrow vehicles for Gregor’s reinforcement companies. The brigade was tasked to move out with the Italian vanguard on the 10th. It was to ‘create the German advanced base’ for the army offensive. Gunter had not a clue as to what this meant. Time to send Major Schwabe and a few bottles of captured British whiskey to von Manstein’s headquarters to get more exact instructions, and perhaps the necessary trucks.
Isaak Schwabe had been spending most of his time training Klaus’ mortar crews. Steiner had remembered that his mistress’s uncle had been an artillery officer who had commanded a battalion of field guns by the end of the Great War. No need to send for SA instructors.
If Isaak was to be chief of staff or deputy commander or whatever it was called at brigade level, then Gregor would inherit Ivan Gorlov’s original job running the camp near Tobruk, leaving Gorlov to set up the new camp. Gorlov had been a field officer and was a combat veteran at battalion command. He’d even run a brigade for a few weeks at one point out on the steppe. Better to have him up near the action. Gregor’s limited mobility wouldn’t matter as much running a base camp. He’d be pissed at being made into a rear area swine, but Gunter could live with the bad temper. Gregor would flare when provoked, but adjusted fast. He didn’t nurse petty grievances the way Adolph did.
1030 hours CET
3 September 1940
Villa Savorgnan di Brazza, Rome, Italy
Rome was past the true peak summer heat of August, but autumn had not yet begun to stir. The old palace chosen for this meeting had nineteenth-century furniture in seventeenth-century architecture. A few modern fans were doing little to reduce the cloying humid air coming up off the Tiber, and the heat of the day had yet to peak.
Prince Umberto was worried over the request by General Wolff for this meeting with Italy’s two rulers. So far, the new European order of affairs outlined in Berlin two months prior had worked well for Italy. The new regime had a brilliant victory at Malta to trumpet to the Italian people. The naval battle had been unfortunate, but it was easy to disguise this from the public. The newspapers all had front-page pictures of damaged British warships exiting Suez for points south, followed by newer photos of Alexandria harbor empty of British warships. The Axis air fleets largely ruled the skies over Egypt, so there was a daily tide of new photos, some of which were passed to the press to create a favorable public opinion for the war. After the Alpine debacle against France and the years of bloodbath on the Isonzo in the Great War, the Italian public was not predisposed to see war as a glorious assertion of national greatness. The Italian flag over Malta was the first step in changing this predisposition.
The Prince had chosen General Geloso for command of the Italo-German Panzer Army in North Africa. Geloso had seemed the best choice, the foremost general in his age class. Yet now this chosen man had begun his tenure by countermanding a warplan from Berlin, from Heydrich personally. SS General Wolff had assured the Prince and Marshal Balbo that he was a liaison officer, a facilitator, not a minder. Now he was insisting on this meeting. The request was
politely worded, but the demand beneath the diplomatic pleasantries was obvious.
Wolff arrived punctually. He seemed in good spirits. Perhaps that was a sign that his instructions were not dire. Still, the Prince was shocked when Wolff told the servants who had started with coffee service, with basic hospitality, to wait. That he had discussions that could not keep until after. “The Reichsführer reviewed your general’s alterations to his plan, and wanted his answer conveyed to you both with extreme urgency. His answer is yes.”
The Prince and the Marshal both knew how to keep their faces blank in public settings. However, Wolff was also expert at reading body language; he could pick up the tells, as both men ever so slightly relaxed. “He wanted me to be sure to convey to you that he regards your choice of Geloso as brilliant. His plan is by far better than what was drafted in Berlin. Indeed, there has been a much less pleasant message dispatched to General von Manstein as to how a proper commander interprets his superior’s wishes. Von Manstein had at one point in the 1930’s been on a career track to Halder’s job. If he wants to rise that high, my boss has warned him to do better next time. Much better. Geloso is being held up to von Manstein as someone to emulate.”
The three then relaxed to pleasantries for half an hour of coffee ritual and minor business before Wolff asked that the room be cleared. “One last matter. Il Duce. The Reichsführer would like assurances that his security detail knows its function, that the great man must be given his rest and not allowed to embark on travels.” Wolff paused to see that he had the full attention of the two Italians. “Berlin suggests that perhaps Mussolini be allowed occasional radio broadcasts. Prerecorded of course. Let your people hear his voice, but with you two carefully guiding the words.”