On Deception Watch

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On Deception Watch Page 28

by David H Spielberg


  “Yes. From what I can determine from your documents, the cabinet has invoked the incompetence clause of the constitution, making you acting president.”

  “Exactly, and I want that message transmitted to every military commander in the armed forces of the United States. I want all commanders ordered to acknowledge receipt of that message and to reaffirm their loyalty to the constitution and to the chain of command through me as acting president and that General Slaider has been relieved of command. Can you send that message, General?”

  “Yes, Mr. President.”

  69

  “What’s the tally, General?” Latimer asked.

  The communications officer, taking a sheet of paper from one of his staff, passed the sheet to General Stoner. “All commands have acknowledged receipt of your message. None, however, have accepted your claim to be acting president. They all question the legality of your use of the succession provision without the authority of the Congress and are awaiting legal confirmation of your action. It seems that General Slaider got a message out too, advising all commands of the legal intricacies of your position.”

  “Okay. Good enough. They may not be loyal to me yet, but at least we’ve got them all steaming in circles.”

  “That may be true, Paul, but can the country remain secure with its armed forces steaming in circles for very long?”

  “Oh, we’ll both agree, Slaider and I, to keep America’s forces on high alert. Worldwide strategic forces, that is. I’m concerned about neutralizing the domestic forces.”

  General Stoner lit a cigarette. After a moment he asked Latimer, “What about Emerson? What do you make of his address to the nation?”

  “I’m sure Emerson has no idea what’s going on. Slaider is feeding him a line of bullshit and keeping him isolated. Emerson’s speech was heroic under the circumstances.”

  “What do you think Slaider plans to do with him? He can’t keep him isolated forever.”

  “Honest to god, I don’t know, Warren. I think he’ll be okay if his wounds don’t kill him. Slaider needs him around to support his claim of presidential authority for everything he’s doing. No, he doesn’t need to kill Emerson. He’s counting on our system moving too slowly to stop him. I’m convinced he thinks he’ll have this all sewed up in a week or so and that Congress will never solve the succession problem in that short a time. He’s probably right about that. At this point, in between sessions, it will probably take Congress a couple of weeks just to figure out how to convene itself. Only the people will be able to solve this one. And we’ll buy the people some time.”

  An aide approached General Stoner and handed him a document. He quickly read it. “There was a rocket attack on the United Nations twenty minutes ago. Twelve people killed. Apparently the rocket was launched from a boat. Some right-wing group in the US claims responsibility for the attack. The gist of their statement was that the UN represented a base for foreign subversion located on American soil.”

  Latimer ran his fingers through his hair. “The papers and the telescreen will play up the UN connection for all it’s worth now that Slaider has let that cat out of the bag. Unfortunately, I think he’s got a target that will work well for him, considering the negative feelings most Americans have about the UN. This kind of thing will make it easier for Slaider to use the UN as a scapegoat. And it will draw attention from the fact that he’s staging a goddam military coup in America—that he’s sequestered the president and the whole damned executive branch—and nobody notices. He’ll have them all dancing through hoops now with his UN smoke screen.”

  “All except for you.”

  “Except for me.” Latimer sat at the table in the focal point of the room, slowly tapping his pen. “Except for us. Which is why we are going to blitz the news media—print, electronic, and internet—to break the focus on the UN and return it to the military takeover of the country. We’ve war-gamed a blogging battle and can use those resources as well. Warren, I’ve written a two-page summary and an eight page narrative for the media.”

  Turning to the communications officer, he continued, “I want this e-mailed to the editors-in-chief of the major newspapers in every major city in the Union, in every state, including Alaska and Hawaii. We need to get this done within the next half-hour, maximum. I want this information e-mailed to Reuters, to AP, to all the big domestic and international wire services. Get it to the telescreen networks, commercial and cable. Get it to cable first. Fax it if you have to. Here’s an e-mail address I need you to contact using this password. Pass the same information to her and tell her that Vice President Latimer wants her to get people going on the internet working the blogosphere protocol “Underdog.” Also, arrange for a multifeed interview with me here at Peterson for tonight’s evening news. I don’t care how many people you need to recruit to get this done.” Turning to General Stoner, Latimer added, “And I need all this done now!

  “That will give them something to chew on and something to challenge Slaider with. The press will be all over him when they get this stuff, that son of a bitch,” Latimer said, pounding the table he was standing next to.

  70

  Ranjit Lal lifted the cup to his lips. The tea was very hot, too hot, really, to be well-brewed, but he forgave himself the carelessness considering the ominous turn of events preoccupying his mind.

  The rocket attack on the UN complex was not an unheard-of event. In fact, it had happened once before, many years ago. Nothing much came of it. It was one of those things one had to learn to live with. It was the cost of having the freedoms that were enjoyed more and more worldwide. Lal could live with that. What bothered him now was the ring of military vehicles and personnel surrounding the UN grounds, ostensibly for the purpose of preventing a similar incident. What disturbed him most was that the American military, units of which were deploying just outside the UN grounds, was the principal source provoking hostile feelings toward the UN. Almost hourly the local military command was announcing searches, seizures of arms, and detentions of Arab nationals, all associated in one way or another with the United Nations. No elaboration was offered on the legitimacy of the searches, on the origin or ownership of the arms confiscated, or the legitimacy of the detentions.

  The press was being whipped into a frenzy against the UN in the wake of allegations of Arab complicity in the attack on President Drummond. Lal’s own agents had reported that fires had been secretly set throughout the city by elements of a US Army urban warfare special branch. The evidence was not conclusive, but that the allegations made it to his desk was an adequate measure of some confidence in the report. Why would the US be doing this? Naturally, in the wake of an assassination attempt, he would expect some overreaction. And at this moment the United States was in a political whirlpool. Political forces were by his assessment too rudderless at the moment to orchestrate such a focused propaganda and diplomatic attack on the United Nations. Was it possible that in the United States, the military itself was pursuing its own political agenda? It’s happened before, he thought, but not in the United States.

  Lal took another sip of tea.

  It was the possibility of the US military activating its own political strategy that concerned him now. The implications were uncertain. It could be a temporary manifestation resulting from the political vacuum, a vacuum that could not persist for many more days in any rate. Or was there a longer-term objective? He must think this out carefully. Was there a possibility that he was not recognizing? Could there really have truly been an international plot against the president? If it really were related to the fusion-energy joint venture, would his own life be in danger? He must consider each possibility. He must formulate an effective plan to counter the challenges presented. Contingency planning—this, he knew how to do. But without truly understanding the problem, he would not be able to set priorities or focus his resources. He could not cover every contingency. The intelligence he was receiving was too thin. He must understand the motives, the issues involved. What
were the real goals of the forces behind these events?

  He had been at meetings all evening the night before and into the morning. Arab and other delegations were white with fury. It was unheard of. Even in their own countries, these delegates told him, they would not have dared to do what the Americans were doing. And there seemed to be no one to whom they could effectively protest except to lower-echelon state-department people or to the largely muffled media.

  A meeting of the Security Council was being called for the afternoon. The UN legal affairs officer was reviewing United States treaty obligations in view of the US military violations of diplomatic immunity and the encirclement of the UN complex.

  Still, Lal was certain that these reactions were too small for the problem facing the world body and perhaps, the world, at this moment. The intercom on his desk chirped and his senior administrative assistant was announced just as he was opening the door to Lal’s office.

  “Please excuse my bursting in, Mr. Secretary-General, but I think you must have our security update immediately. Please, sir, if you will just glance at it.” He approached Lal’s desk and handed him a sheet of double-spaced typed notes.

  Lal took the sheet and read it out loud.

  “General Stoner has declared loyalty to the American Vice President, Mr. Latimer, who in turn has declared the president to be either murdered or a captive of the US Army high command. He claims that the plane he used to rendezvous with General Stoner was fired on by army units. Other US military commands have placed their forces on high-alert status awaiting a Congressional decision as to who is indeed the president. The US military chairman of the joint chiefs of staff has declared the vice president to be a rebel official seeking to promote insurrection. The American Congress is on summer recess and seems to be in disagreement how and whether to come back into session. The Russians and the Chinese have upgraded their military defense postures. Great Britain and Germany have asked for temporary control over the launch codes for strategic missiles on their territory. The main issue seems to be that no one is certain of President Drummond’s exact physical condition.”

  He put the paper down on his desk and thought for a few moments. Looking up at the assistant, he said, “Well, things seem to be taking quite a turn for the worse, do they not, Mr. Pandhu?”

  “Tragically, it would appear so, sir.”

  “How much of this has reached the American news media?” Lal asked.

  “All of it, sir—in a way,” Pandhu said with a shrug. “The official media are still under federal censorship and control but the internet is not. The bloggers evidently have received copies of Mr. Latimer’s claims and evidence against General Slaider, probably from the media sources, and are spreading Mr. Latimer’s claims widely. Reporters are understandably quite agitated about being shut out of the breaking developments. As you can imagine, everyone is trying to locate Congressional officials, as the Congress is seen as the only authority capable of conveying legitimacy to any succession, if that be necessary. Quite a few members of the Congress are still not in Washington. However, yesterday, Vice President Latimer made arrangements through the Air Force to convey many members back to Washington. Even so, security measures at all transportation centers have created numerous delays. Nevertheless, the flow of officials back to Washington appears to be increasing.”

  “How many Congressional members would you say are now located in Washington?” Lal asked.

  “Perhaps 30 percent, sir.”

  The telephone on Lal’s desk sounded. He lifted the receiver quickly.

  “Lal here.” He listened for several seconds and then replaced the handset on its cradle. He had exchanged no words. There was not even the usual and perfunctory, ‘‘Thank you.

  Lal reached into a drawer of his desk and took out a small telescreen remote control unit. One click, and the unit built into the bookcase came alive with CNN anchorman Arnold Andover explaining that the secretary of state would shortly be making an urgent announcement to the nation. Andover was explaining that this was a hasty conference called at the secretary’s request and that it was described as a major announcement regarding America’s national security. The announcement would be coming from the Executive branch relocation site. The pool of reporters that was created when the president invoked the current extraordinary security measures would be present, representing all the news media outlets. Andover said that he was told a brief question period would be allowed after the secretary’s statement.

  Lal nodded to Pandhu to take a seat.

  The camera view quickly changed to a podium where General Slaider was already standing. Lal tried to study the man before he spoke, but his face was expressionless, his body erect. Beside him stood the secretary of defense and the secretary of state. All three men were unreadable and grim. The secretary of state began.

  “My fellow Americans, I have the tragic duty to inform you that President Emerson Daniel Drummond is dead, having succumbed to his wounds. The time of the president’s passing was three-and-a-half hours ago, at precisely 3:37 p.m. eastern time. Both I and the secretary of defense were with the president when he expired. We all mourn the loss of a courageous leader, a loving and beloved father and husband, and my close personal friend.”

  Llewellyn paused for a moment, dropping his eyes to his notes on the podium. Then he continued.

  “This is the hour of a great national tragedy. However, it is also the hour of a great national test, a test that will call upon everything we have learned as a nation in our few short years among the ancient family of nations. With the unbounded spirit of youth we asserted ourselves, created a nation, and illuminated the world with our constitution, our great gift to the democratic process. Not since Plato’s Republic has a written document so shaped the course of human polity. Not since the ancient Hebrews foreswore the heartless practice of human sacrifice has a nation been such a light to the world.

  “We have been and always will be a nation of laws. But more than that, we are a nation of process, a nation imbued with an unshakable confidence in the ability of our system to discover and promote justice. It is what we mean when we use with pride the expression ‘the American way.’ My fellow Americans, we are now on just such an adventure of discovery. Our chief is dead. The laws that were put in place to lead us safely through past storms have now, under these present tragic circumstances, been found wanting. As in the past, under similar situations, we will cast our faith in our process.

  “We have always prided ourselves in our flawless transitions of power under numerous instances of tragic necessity. Just what is it this time that is wanting in our laws? This time, I am afraid, the circumstances are beyond that which even our fabled founding fathers could have ever anticipated. Never before had a president been the victim of a wide-ranging and continuing treasonous conspiracy from within the highest levels of government. Never before had the military command of the United States armed forces been divided in its loyalty or unclear as to just who was their commander-in-chief. Never before had there been competing claims to the presidency.

  “Three days ago, at the request of the vice president, I and every other member of the Cabinet signed a document asserting that in view of the serious nature of the president’s wounds, he was no longer fit to fulfill the obligations of his high office. That document, when presented to the president pro tempore of the senate and the speaker of the house of representatives, would have made Vice President Latimer acting president. That document was never duly delivered to the Congress. The president continued to function through the use of executive orders carried out by the chairman of the joint chiefs and his representatives. Just before he died, President Drummond signed a document alleging that the vice president was in violation of the 1960, 1964, and 2002 National Security Acts by his willful disobedience of presidential directives regarding the relocation and protection of the government during declared periods of national emergency. The president recommended in this document that the vice president be
impeached for this violation as well as for other acts of perfidy alleged in that document.

  “However, the authenticity of this document, the validity of the charges against the vice president, the constitutionality of the laws in question, and the possibility of extenuating circumstances attached to the actions of the vice president are yet to be determined.

  “Our laws provide for succession to the presidency in accordance with a hierarchy of executive responsibility. It does not provide for a situation where qualification is in question. We now find ourselves with a vice president yesterday asserting himself to be acting president, and now with President Drummond’s death, de facto president, but whose qualification is in question. In addition, the next in succession, the speaker of the house was killed in the course of the same perfidious events that took our president, and the whereabouts of the president pro tempore of the senate, next in line of succession, is currently not known.

  “While our laws are not clear under these circumstances, our process fortunately is. The Congress has the power to decide competence and will be asked to do so as quickly as possible. Consequently, Defense Secretary Whittaker and General Slaider, as well as the resources of the State Department are acting with utmost haste to arrange a quorum of the Congress so that the matter of succession can be decided by the Congress, as the Twenty-fifth Amendment specifies in the event of conflicting claims to the presidency.

 

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